SHILLONG: MPCC president OL Nongtdu's support of the move to expel JHADC CEM Moonlight Pariat has evoked criticism. Mr Nongtdu had defended the expulsion move saying that Mr Pariat engaged in anti-party activities by forming the Jaintia Democratic Alliance (JDA) despite being supported by a majority of Congress MDCs.

Reacting to this, Congress legislator Mr Charles Pyngrope said that the matter had to be taken up by the executive committee of MPCC, which has to meet and discuss the matter to solve the crisis. Some other leaders pointed out it was an irony that while the formation of United Democratic Alliance of KHADC with the support of Opposition parties was justified, Mr Pariat's following the same experiment in JHADC was not.

When contacted, Chief Minister JD Rymbai said that he was yet to meet the District Council Affairs Minister Prestone Tynsong to discuss the matter.

Mr Rymbai said that right from the formation of JHADC, it was following the pattern of KHADC. "At present, in spite of having majority of Congress members in its fold, the JHADC followed the same method as KHADC seeking the support of the Opposition," Mr Rymbai said.

Flaying the "partisan stand" of MPCC president OL Nongtdu and district president Edmund Lyngdoh, KHADC CEM Moonlight Pariat asked them to resign by Tuesday.

"If they can resign by Tuesday, I will do what they are asking me to do," Mr Pariat said. He also expressed concern over the "double standard" followed by Mr Nongtdu. "If the KHADC can have alliance with other parties, why cannot we have the same arrangement in JHADC too," Mr Pariat asked.

According to Mr Pariat, if Mr Edmund Lyngdoh was a true leader, he should face the House to prove his majority. He also criticised Mr Nongtdu for the current trouble in the State leadership, in the party as a whole, in the KHADC and now in the JHADC.

Regarding the threat of expulsion, Mr Pariat said, "Let them take action against me, I do not care."

Commenting on the KHADC situation, KHADC CEM HS Shylla said that in the case of KHADC, he was ready to hand over power to Mr Martamlin Pyrbot, but the AICC direction was not to disturb the present set-up. He also pointed out that it was only when the dissidents abstained during the session, that the support of UDP and others were sought.

"I had already accepted Mr Martamlin, but he withdrew later from the race for the CEM post," Mr Shylla said.

Meanwhile, amid the reported move to oust Mr Nongtdu, Mr Shylla reiterated his support to Mr Nongtdu. Mr Shylla on Sunday said that majority of Congress MDCs were supporting Mr Nongtdu, adding that he should continue to be the president till the end of his term.

"We have nothing against Mr Nongtdu and instead of moving for his replacement, we have to strengthen the party," Mr Shylla said.

The KHADC CEM also said that it they would oppose any move to replace Mr Nongtdu from the post of president.

"We want Mr Nongtdu to continue and out of 20 MDCs, more than 15 are with him extending their support," Mr Shylla said.

The three days of KHADC session will begin from February 26. KHADC CEM Mr HS Shylla informed that vote on account would be taken up during the session.

West Garo Hills Deputy Commissioner Mr Sampath Kumar informed on Sunday that the Tura inquiry was completed on January 31 though the stipulated time for the completion was on February 4. Started in February last, there was some delay in completion of the reports of both the inquiry commissions.

While there were some legal hurdles in the completion of the Tura Inquiry Commission report, NGOs from Garo Hills had expressed reservation over the functioning of the Williamnagar Inquiry Commission headed by (Retd) Judge DN Baruah.

The GSU had demanded the de-notification of the Baruah Commission. The view of GSU was that the inquiry commission could be de-notified, as per the provisions of Commission of Enquiry Act 1952, Section 12. According to the GSU demand, Justice (Retd) Baruah struck down the views and affidavits of 20 witnesses out of the total 39, for reasons best known to the Judge.

However, the State government after a meeting with the GSU had asked the student leaders to wait for the report of the inquiry commission. Both the Commissions were asked to look into the facts relating to the September 30, 2005 firing incident at Tura and Williamnagar, which claimed 10 lives, mostly of students.

The terms and reference of the Commissions included the need for determining the developments during the period immediately preceding the proposed public rallies at Tura and Williamnagar to protest against the State Government's acceptance of the report of the State Level Committee on MBOSE and the Meghalaya Board of School Education (Amendment) Ordinance 2005.

After the government received the report related to Willamnagar firing incident in November last, there was demand from State legislators to table the report in the State Assembly during the last winter session.

However, the government maintained that only after getting the Tura report, both the Willamnagar and Tura reports would be together placed in the State Assembly.

SHILLONG: Chief Minister JD Rymbai has appealed the legislators and partymen not to engage in blame game as far as the issue of leadership was concerned.

Reacting to reports, which blamed AICC leaders for the present crisis, Mr Rymbai on Sunday said the Central leaders, Mr Ahmed Patel, Mr Oscar Fernandes and Major (Retd) Ved Prakash could not be blamed for the present situation.

"We can only wait and see for the result to be declared by the high command," Mr Rymbai said. He said after the CLP meeting was called, the final decision on the change of leadership issue had been pending with the high command.

According to Mr Rymbai, the claims and counter-claims may continue, but whatever decision was taken by the Centre would be accepted.

Mr Sangma will announce the first list of party candidates on February 28.

Plagued by constant demand for change of leadership, the Congress is yet to adopt any strategy for the elections.

"We will meet after the assembly session to discuss about the elections," CLP secretary Mr Charles Pyngrope said. He also indicated that all the sitting MLAs of the party would be given tickets for the 2008 elections.

Among the regional parties, UDP, KHNAM and HSPDP are gearing up for elections. UDP and HSPDP had inducted several prominent leaders to their fold.

The UDP and MDP have also made fresh initiative for unification so that they can unitedly fight the elections. Both the parties had to pay the price in the 2003 elections for fighting separately. Due to the division, many top leaders of both UDP and MDP had to bite the dust. UDP has already formed election committees to select their candidates for the election. Indications are that all the present MLAs would be given party tickets.

Armed with the idea of peace talks with UPDS, KHNAM is on a mission to expand its base in rural constituencies. At a public meeting in Mawlasnai, Umroi constituency, KHNAM blamed the representatives of Umroi for lack of development.

The regional parties are also exploring the idea of pre-poll understanding. The UDP after its recent CEC meeting had made it clear that it was open to the idea of understanding with the regional parties. There is also effort on the part of all the regional parties to come under the banner of Regional Parties Alliance (RPA).

The BJP, which has two MLAs, is yet to spell out its election plan. All in all, the political parties other than the Congress are all set to gain maximum mileage taking advantage of the division in the State Congress.

Following complaints by villagers, West Garo Hills Deputy Commissioner P Sampath Kumar had ordered for a special drive to impart training to all the Area Employment Council Secretaries, Gram Sevaks and other block officials, involving resource persons. Mr Kumar had been paying a visit to the eight different blocks of the district to mobilise the government machinery and interact with the villagers. Some of the non-performing BDOs have been pulled up for their lack of initiative in the project.

It had been found that in some villages, MREGS works have not been taken up at all despite large sums of money having already been released to the Programme Officers (BDOs) by the District Programme Coordinator (DC).

Incidently, the process of preparing detailed plan and estimates of the projects proposed by the Village Employment Council (VEC) has already been completed by the Programme Officers assisted by Nodal Officers. Since NREGA envisages a demand driven scheme, households of VEC who have obtained the job cards have to submit applications to the Area Employment Council (AEC) seeking employment.

The submitted applications received by the AEC are to be submitted to the Programme Officers (BDOs), who in turn are supposed to issue the work order within 15 days, failing which the applicants can claim non-employment allowance.

In a letter to the Public Health Engineering (PHE) Department Minister, Prestone Tynsong, the GSU called for stern action against all the guilty officers involved in siphoning off lakh of rupees meant for implementation of the water supply schemes.

The student body pointed out that since the early 1980s’ several schemes were announced to provide safe drinking water for Rongjeng and Jambal areas and large numbers of GI Pipes are being regularly stockpiled at the Rongjeng PHE Sub-Division.

However, till date the majority of the population at the two places continue to draw water from the nearby streams manually and large numbers of GI Pipes stored in the PHE compound have been found to mysteriously disappear.

Giving examples, the student union cited the construction of a major RCC water tank at Aski Patal under the Rongjeng major water supply scheme. Pipes were suppose to connect the tank to the Rongit river and provide safe drinking water for the people of Rongjeng Songma during the early 1990s’.

Till date no water has flown into the tank and the GI Pipes laid upto it have been dismantled and sold as scrap. Also, the CC Dam constructed at Rongit River have been done in a haphazard manner with the GI pipes higher then the dam at many places.

The GSU has accused the officers including the Divisional Engineer of failing to visit the sites where project implementation is suppose to take place. It has put the blame on the officers, staff and the contractors for the poor implementation of the schemes in Rongjeng and is calling for a thorough enquiry and punishment of the guilty.

The Swami proceeded to the public hall, where he briefly addressed the small gathering in response to a request for some blessing for the Institute. At first he dwelt briefly on the philosophy of Sri Aurobindo, which was not easy to grasp. Then he deliberated on the reasons behind his choosing to dwell on hatha yoga, instead of Yoga as a whole, which as he said was a means to realise the universal or cosmic consciousness.

He said he dwelt on the body, because it was easily understood by all. Besides, the benefits are there for all to see. For example, pranayama, the art of conscious breathing, leads to better mental concentration and augments the feeling of well-being, which in turn contributes to quietude of mind.

Stating that he was especially well-liked by children who fondly address him as the bearded holy one, he said that he had met more than 25 lakh children all over the country. Stressing on the need of learning the values of life by all and sundry, he said that people have a lot of misconception about religion.

Indeed people get disturbed by the very mention of the word religion.

Essentially, religion is based on conduct, it means forgiveness, etc. It is because of the people's attitude towards religion, the Swami said, that he always started off his discourses with the topic of well-being, which was dear to all people.

On the basis of his first impression, the Swami praised the people of Shillong as very nice, and said Shillong was bountifully graced by Mother Nature.

Saying that he had heard about Cherrapunji in his school textbooks, he said that he had thought only two classes of people came to Shillong, the businessmen and the tourists.

Wishing the Institute years of progress and prosperity ahead, the Swami concluded his brief speech. However, his followers refused to let reporters meet him on the grounds that the Swami was too tired after his journey from Guwahati, a statement which the appearance of the Swami belied.

Insurgent groups in the North-east routinely try to incite xenophobia in order to enlist local sympathies for their rebellions. But this ploy rarely works. It is not surprising, therefore, that most sections of the Assamese have been revolted by the diktat issued by the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) to "all Hindi-speaking people" to leave the state. That the threat follows the ULFA's two (instalment) barbarian killing of nearly 74 innocent labourers from Bihar may have caused panic among the non-Assamese people living in the state. But it takes the ULFA nowhere near its goal of securing a "sovereign Assam". On the contrary, it exposes the ULFA's isolation from the state's political mainstream and also from its people. It shows, too, the moral degeneration of an insurgent group which once claimed not to make any distinction between the Assamese and the non-Assamese people.

However, it is not enough for the politicians in Assam to condemn the ULFA's killings and its threats to the people from outside the state. They must understand that the interests of the state and of the Assamese people are the worst casualty of these acts of terror. For New Delhi and Dispur, the ULFA's isolation from the people and the popular mood of revulsion for its terror should be seen as an opportunity. Clearly, its latest violence is a desperate response to the renewed army offensive against it. It has unleashed the violence in the hope that it would force the government to resume the peace talks. Neither the Centre nor the state government should submit to this violent blackmail.

The chief minister, Mr. Tarun gogoi, now admits that last year's ceasefire was a mistake because it gave the ULFA an opportunity to re-group and re-arm its cadre. Another such mistake should be avoided at all costs. That is not to suggest that peace negotiations should not be given a chance. But the talks can resume, as the prime minister, Mr. Manmohan Singh, suggested during his visit to Assam last month, only after the ULFA gave up violence. This is the message that the Assamese intellectuals, who brokered the last talks on the ULFA's behalf, should carry to the group's leaders. Those who deal in deaths and terror must not be allowed to set the terms for peace. There is incontrovertible evidence of a complete takeover of the ULFA 's warped agenda by Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), intent on avenging the loss of East Pakistan in the 1971. Time was when the ULFA represented a left liberal ideology, somewhat confused because even as it took up the cause of Assam's gross neglect by the centre, it debarred women from donning "western" clothes.

Despite such shortcomings it enjoyed the support of the Assamese people because it talked, albeit chauvinistically, of promoting an indigenous Assamese culture and identity. It strongly opposed illegal Bangladeshi immigrants, an eyesore for the local population which has been regularly used as a dependable votebank by the Congress since Indira Gandhi's time. In all this, the ULFA succeeded because it spoke the language of a people who, after all, were bid farewell by no less than the prime minister of the country at the height of the 1962 Chinese aggression. Jawaharlal Nehru's "farewell speech" to Assam, relinquishing responsibility to retain hold over the state at a moment of serious national crisis, duly became the starting point for the ULFA agitation in Assam years later. From articulating the voice of the Assamese people in its initial days, the ULFA is now compromising that state's and indeed the country's security interests. From opposing the incessant flux of Muslim illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, today it is virtually controlled by a pan-Islamic organisation, a fact that is creating room for the Islamisation of the territory and threatening the same indigenous Assamese identity which the ULFA promised its supporters. From being a credible anti-establishment organisation engaged in guiding the centre's attention to problems of power, oil, irrigation, floods, agriculture - issues which are Assam's real bane - the ULFA's engagement with the ISI has severed communication links agriculture - issues which are Assam's real bane - the ULFA's engagement with the ISI has severed communication links with the Indian establishment altogether. With such an altered and subversive ULFA, for the beleaguered Assamese people, peace now figures prominently in a long list of unattended woes.

However, peace evades Assam because a strong ULFA which enjoyed people's support has been replaced by a desperate and weakened ULFA taking order from the ISI. A reason why the home and defence ministries have been compelled to take cognisance of the threat the outfit poses, not just to stability in Assam but indeed to national security. Those who felt the ULFA did not lack in patriotism but only required a defined political ideology and some guidance have little to offer by way of explanation for the ULFA hailing Pakistan-sponsored intruders in Kargil as Kashmiri "freedom fighters" and threatening family members of soldiers from the state fighting for their country.

The ULFA's response to Kargil has clearly exposed its affiliation to Pakistan, a link that goes as far back as 1991 when top ULFA leaders first visited Pakistan. With clear proof of the ISI's involvement in Assam, now is the time for the government to acknowledge the possibility of escalation of militant activity in Assam along the lines followed in Kashmir. In this regard, it is some consolation that unlike sections in Kashmir, the Assamese people, across the board, are weary of waging a meaningless war with the centre. Also, Kargil has emerged as a unifying force between soldiers of Nagaland, Assam and Manipur signalling the genuine commitment of the people in this region to national interest. Politically, the development has put both the Congress and its governments at the centre and the state on the back foot on more than one count.

The development has given the Opposition, especially the BJP, yet another opportunity to harp about the UPA's alleged soft approach on the internal security front. With assembly elections in three north Indian states round the corner, any delay in containing the ULFA attack on Hindi-speaking people, Congress leaders fear, could prove costly for the party's electoral projects. The development has also confirmed the worst fears of those, including the sections in the ruling establishment, who had been sceptical about the true intention of the ULFA in approaching the centre recently for peace talks through emissaries like Indira Goswami. These critics had often argued that it was a ploy of the isolated Both in the 2001 and 2006 assembly polls in the state, in which Mr. Tarun Gogoi had led the Congress campaign, the party had offered a post-poll political package for ULFA, which in turn, had made the party campaigning easier in its pockets in upper Assam. Though the Gogoi government could never succeed in reaching a political settlement with ULFA, the regime also failed to adopt an uncompromising stand against the outfit.

It was no secret that the security establishment, especially the army, was upset about the manner in which the combing operations against ULFA were halted by the Gogoi government at a time when the outfit was completely cornered. His "occasional tough talk" against ULFA, in fact, is seen as mere political posturing in the wake of killings in the state. As it is the situation in Assam is chaotically reminiscent of pre-Operation Rhino in 1991, with the peace drive now in idle, the Centre is left with two options - either revive talks with ULFA or go hammer and tongs to break its backbone - because the continued uncertainty only serves to multiply problems. Both the centre and Dispur have been long lulled into believing that since they are persevering with the peace process by keeping the door open the ULFA would not precipitate any action that would hinder initiative. This complacency is largely responsible for Upper Assam having turned into a virtual killing field. INAV

There was a time when radio meant the world to us teenagers; a time when the latest foreign music records were difficult to come by. As an upshot, we stayed glued to the wireless to stay abreast of the latest music. The fine-tuning of overseas channels such as BBC or Radio Australia paid off.

We were the few in the city who knew what was in and what was out in the Top of the Charts. As the first kids on the block to hear the latest Mersey sound making waves abroad, we'd strut that stuff among buddies, much to the neighbour's envy.

I recalled those days recently when, returning home after a long overseas trip, I happened on the local airways. They were abuzz with many a happy sound, chirpy radio jockeys and contemporary music blasting at the same time, as it did in the West. Manoeuvring through the crowded, chaotic traffic, I was held up several times for long periods, giving me a chance to flick the car's radio channels. To my pleasant surprise, channel after channel came alive. And they were firing away on all cylinders. There was non-stop chatter from hip RJs and witty interactions with listeners.

The RJs were having a ball, putting out rollicking remixes, nostalgia, foot-thumping hits of the day and heaps of info on traffic conditions and events in the city. This was music to the ears, but the relapse to an old habit didn't happen that easily. On a recent Sunday afternoon, a young nephew took me off-guard when he asked whether he could play the radio on my hi-fi system.

I looked at him with some perplexity, much as if he had asked, 'Dr Livingstone, I presume?' To cut a long story short, the teenage wonder brought radio back into my life after a long hiatus. Many years after I had carefully assembled and installed the hi-fi, complete with bass, tweeters, woofers and the works to make Bach's Barcarole or Peterson's Night Train or Dire Straits in concert come alive and flood the room, I heard an entirely different sound. It was the first time Freddie Mercury played on the system's radio. Needless to add, I went ga ga. (By arrangement with The Times of India).

There is the story of the little shepherd boy who would cry wolf when there was no wolf around. After a few such false alarms the villagers decided to pay no heed. "Wolf"! He screamed again. No one went. This time his cry was for real. This is as far as we know. A dialectical argument would require us to ask a very important question: Who was to blame for the wolf's appearance on the scene? Isn't it possible that with the repeated cries of the boy, the animal decided to assert its presence? There is a saying in Hindi: Aa bail mujhe maar (Please, bull come and strike at me). Though it mixes up the earlier metaphor it conveys the same thing. The fanatic is the creation of the moderate crying wolf and then expressing his patented generosity. The India Muslim becomes a fanatic when he is forced to sit on the fence; to apologise when some Maulvi yells from some podium; to squirm when a woman is stoned for adultery in some part of the civilized world; and an eye-for-an-eye is perceived as a blind indictment of a savage society.

The counter reaction: There has been a subtle transformation even among the liberals among the Hindus into looking-for-the-soul-of-Hinduism: Not a religion but a way of life. It has become quite fashionable to state that "Muslim liberals are helpless in the face of fanatics and dogmatists in the Muslim community," forgetting that the two have co-existed for a few centuries. The moderate Hindu is seeking religious identity via nationalism. Einstein believed nationalism to be an infantile disease. "The measles of mankind," he called it. Nationalism is working as dissent. The separatist instinct, which according to Sri Aurobindo, gives the national ego half its vitality, cannot therefore be only a minority privilege. Today if you took the Muslim away from the country, the moderates would not know what to do with themselves.

The most convenient question now is: "Can you show me one truly secular Muslim?" This is mere rhetoric, for no one wants an answer, they are quite satisfied with a Syed shahabuddin, who does the most dangerous thing of rationalising religion, and Imam Bukhari who upholds an unhealthy theism. Can any Hindu claim with authority that these two men are the elected, or even symbolic, representatives of the Muslim population? In no time the ordinary Muslim can reveal his 'fanatic' colours by turning from grey to black and showing up the rest in a better light. Witness the transformation of the rootless liberals. Witness to the whitewash job done by Lalu Prasad Yadav and Mulayam Singh and those of their kind. They are all being welcomed into the august group of moderates. Without them, we are told, Muslims would be nowhere. It raises a very uncomfortable issue: Does tolerance come with strings attached? We must demarcate between political moderation and 'religious moderation', which is a red herring at best. Tagore described a nation as "that aspect which a whole population assumes when organised for a mechanical purposes.Society on the other hand is an end in itself-it is for self-preservation." Religion functions in the same way as a society but today it serves political purposes adequately.

The Vishwa Hindu Parishad would like to convert Muslims; it can be argued that Muslim rulers too had converted people to their faith. It touches a raw nerve on the other side. As against the fundamentalist Hindu, the moderate talks of Hinduism as a way of life. For, when something is a way of life, it is difficult to look beyond it. Instead, there is the emphasis on objectifying everything outside the purview of self-realisation, the ultimate goal. Referring to Hindutva, a commentator described it as "Hinduism become worldly to the point of losing its soul." Everyone swallows it to prove that the soul of Hinduism is alive and kicking. While the BJP and its acolytes talk of Ram as their national hero, the moderates make him into a personal hero representing a revered moral and ethical code.

A bit ironical then, but Salman Rushdie's acceptance of Islam is perceived as a reversal, and it stands no chance. His apologia must be seen in this light. He did not merely cow down to the fundamentalist Muslims, but also to the 'beholders' of Islam, who knew he would have to give in. his question in the book was, "What is the opposite of faith?.....Doubt....Halfway between Allah god and homosap, did they ever doubt?" Some years later he, homosap garbed as angel, with now melted wings, asks Allah for forgiveness and accepts the prophecy of the prophet in an attempt to win over, what the Western media describes as, the Muslim moderates.

Interestingly, even when a term like pseudo-secularism is bandied about it is invariably in the Hindu context. Presumably it is understood that for the Muslim community that has never expressed its secularism there can be no pseudo-secularism. The moderate Hindu's way of dealing with the moderate Muslim, when he grudgingly grants him maverick status, is to put him on the defensive: He is expected to do something about the Muslim problem because it is thought he is only equipped to handle this. There is a concerted attempt to alienate.

In another fallout of moderation Nehru, who was a sturdy secularist, lost out to Jinnah, who blatantly used religiosity. As H. M. Seervai reported in his book Legend and Reality, when Jinnah did talk of an 'honourable settlement', Gandhi had replied, "I wish I could do something but I am utterly helpless. My faith in unity is as bright as ever; only I see no daylight but impenetrable darkness and in such distress I cry out to God for light."

All political parties in the run-up to elections claim secularism as their creed, and it is a vote bank politics to garner support of the minority community. Here it needs to be mentioned that minority community votes can influence the outcome in 118 parliamentary constituencies and 2486 assembly constituencies throughout the country. The Muslim leadership under the influence of Mullahs has forsaken the community to lead them in participatory democracy like India in meaningful manner. Has partition served its purpose? Is there peace between India and Pakistan? The moderate Hindu as well as the Muslim is confused. Both are in search of their nationalist credentials. Can a national polity be built on these? Will fanatic Hindus and Muslim answer? INAV

Sir,

During my recent visit to Shillong, I stayed in a hotel at Police Bazar. I am a body-building enthusiast. During my youth, I was involved in competition body-building and I know a thing or two about the science of body-building, as also some of the past and present stalwarts of the body-building movement in the North-east and other parts of India. Naturally, therefore, I became inquisitive when told by a young man at Thana Road that there was a gym in the 'Hira Market Complex'. In the afternoon, I went to see the standard of the gym and its members. To my disbelief, I was greeted by a photograph fixed on the door top with the caption 'Raju Barua, Mr. India (Departmental)', which is misleading.

There is no such title as 'Mr India (Departmental)'. I could realize that here was a fraud, who was involved in cheating the unsuspecting aspiring body-builders and fitness conscious young men and women. I made some discreet enquiries and learned that Raju Barua- the claimant, was a Grade-D employee in the Central Excise and Customs Deptt. of Shillong. As a body-builder, he had won some local and regional competitions, standard of which were not at all high. However, taking advantage of the momentum which health culture has gained everywhere, he had started a business in the name of physical culture, and to deceive the ignorant public of the town, he had become a self-styled Mr India. Obviously this man has neither the knowledge nor the capability to guide people on a matter, which is based on science.

Yours etc.,
Bipul Kr. Mahanta,
Guwahati-7.

Sir,

I would like to express my views through this daily regarding the load shedding by the MeSEB. Though I realise that due to lack of rainfall over the past few months, the MeSEB has had to cut down on the supply of power in the different parts of Shillong according to the different timings allotted, I, myself and on behalf of all the other students have found it to be a great hindrance in our studies. In the Kench's Trace, Bishnupur area, the electricity is switched off from 4-6 a.m., 10 a.m.-12 noon and 11 p.m. to 12 midnight. These timings however coincide with our study schedule. We cannot study late at night nor can we get up early in the morning. How are we to shine if there's no light?

Yours etc.,
L.B. Kharkongor,
Shillong-4.

Fortunately, there was no casualty because of the unearthly hour of explosion. The bomb was planted in a Maruti 800. According to the police, the car was drawn to the police station on Saturday by the enforcement team of the traffic police as it was parked on the wrong side of the road in front of a ‘Sani’ temple in busy Fancy Bazar area.

Four such cars were brought to the police station for parking on wrong side. Respective owners later took three of the cars away after paying the fine to the police, but none came to claim this car. The police then kept the car just outside the police station for the night.

The police suspected involvement of the banned ULFA that has been triggering blasts in the state and has threatened to disrupt the forthcoming 33rd National Games in the city. Explosive experts engaged by the police were yet to recover to engine and chassis numbers from the mangled remains of the car. Police informed that the car was laden with RDX explosives equipped with a programmable timer device (PTD).

The intensity of the explosion was such cracks appeared on walls and windowpanes of the police station and several other buildings in the vicinity. A large number of crows resting atop a tree nearby were charred to death in the impact of the blast.

On January 9 last similar explosion was detonated by the ULFA in front of Dispur police station in the city. On that occasion, the explosives were planted in a brand new motorcycle that was lifted from police from a ‘no parking’ zone earlier on the day.

"This is a new technique adopted by the ULFA," said city additional superintendent of police, R Singh.

"ULFA....has always endeavoured to maintain cordial relationship with the media. Therefore respect for the freedom of the media is a fundamental principle we have always upheld," ULFA Chairman Arvinda Rajkhowa said in a letter to the General Secretary of International Federation of Journalists in Belgium and an e-mail to the local media.

Referring to the concern expressed by IFJ about the need to protect the freedom of media in the North-East, Rajkhowa said "We are constrained to clarify our position in regard to the controversial news item carried by NE TV that ULFA was paid by the Assam government to lift its ban on the National Games here from February nine." (PTI)

Imphal: Naga frontal organisations have appealed to the Khaplang faction of the NSCN to revoke the threat notice issued against the Naga students from Manipur for sitting in the Nagaland Board of School Education in Nagaland. The NBSE examinations will commence from February 6.

The United Naga Council (UNC), the Naga Peoples Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR), All Naga Students Association, Manipur (NPMHR) and Naga Women Union, Manipur (NWUM) have made a joint appeal to the NSCN(K) in this regard.

The NPMHR (Nagaland Sector) while issuing a statement to Newmai News Network said that the "demands for affiliation of students from the Naga Hills of Manipur is an expression of the will of the people who continue to be oppressed through the systematic process of brainwashing of upholding the dominant culture and way of life while deriding the age old unique cultural and historical rights of the Nagas".

"Throughout history, it is the dominant that often create and write history to perpetuate the dominance of the frontier communities under their so called sphere of influence. Language has been one chief medium through which the dominant system tries to exclude the other communities in the name of homogenization and dominance," the statement further said adding "the dominant community through the systematic coercion and obvert connivance of the state administration has been trying to impose the Meitei Mayek (script) since decades which rightfully continues to be resisted by the hill peoples in general and the Nagas in particular."

Meanwhile, a joint statement of the UNC, ANSAM, Naga Women Union Manipur (NWUM) and the Naga People's Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR-South Sector) considered "the continuing threats issued by the NSCN(K) on the students' community and against those institutions or individuals for facilitating the hosting of the examinations as unfortunate and insensible.

The statement further said that "those very acts of intimidation and promotion of a culture of fear and insecurity holds enormous consequences endangering the future Naga generations." (NNN)

Imphal: The fight against HIV/AIDS by spreading awareness about the virus has become a major issue in election-bound Manipur, with political parties putting healthcare high on their poll agenda.

"Prevention and control of HIV/AIDS will be accorded top priority," the election manifesto of the ruling Congress party said.

Manipur goes to the polls to elect a 60-member legislature on Thursday in the first of the three-phased polling.

The north eastern region, home to about 40 million people, has been declared one of the country’s high-risk zones with close to 100,000 people infected with HIV, the virus that causes AIDS. Among the seven north eastern states, Manipur is the worst hit by HIV/AIDS with over 25,000 people out of the State’s 2.4 million living with the virus.

The problem of HIV/AIDS in violence-torn Manipur, where some 20 separatist guerrilla groups are active, is more acute as the region lies on the edge of the heroin-producing "Golden Triangle" of Laos, Myanmar and Thailand. Independent estimates have put the number of regular intravenous drug users in the region at up to 200,000 - a key cause of HIV infection.

"Although insurgency and underdevelopment are key issues, one cannot ignore the problem of HIV/AIDS in Manipur. Hence this is high on our political agenda," said L Chandramani Singh, leader of the main Opposition Manipur People’s Party.

"Priority would be given to control the spread of HIV/AIDS."

This is the first time political parties in Manipur have made healthcare an election issue and promised to take steps for access to treatment, focused attention on awareness drives, besides other steps to prevent the virus from spreading among the general population.

"In October, we met leaders of almost all the major political parties and urged them to take up HIV/AIDS as an election issue to control the epidemic," said Pramod Kumar Singh, head of the Manipur Government’s AIDS Control Society. "The situation here is indeed alarming."

A large number of people living with HIV in Manipur have died, unable to access treatment.

"People are dying regularly and suffering a lot, unable to access Anti Retroviral Therapy (ART) as such medicines are very expensive," said Dipak Singh, president of the Manipur Network of Positive People (MNPP).

Healthcare groups and people living with HIV/AIDS have welcomed moves by political parties to raise the issue in the elections. According to UNAIDS, India accounts for about 5.7 million HIV positive people, surpassing South Africa. (IANS)

New Delhi: From beautiful cane furniture to gorgeous silk saris of Manipur, from the delicate artificial orchids of Arunachal Pradesh to the famous Assam tea, the fourth North East Trade Expo 2007 here has revealed the vibrant hues of the sprawling Indian region.

As one steps into one of the three exhibition halls where all the states - Asom, Manipur, Meghalaya, Nagaland, Tripura, Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram and Sikkim - have displayed their artifacts, the first thing that strikes one is the earthy shades dominating the scene.

Whether it’s the cane handicrafts strewn all over the place or the typical brown muga silk saris of Assam, browns and off whites fill the ambience. Among the cane handicrafts on display are suitcases, handbags, jewellery boxes, cushions, mats, tables, lamps and even a small house! The stalls were also in the form of bamboo huts.

Mekhla Chadors (saris) in muga and eri, which are two types of Assam silk, were in abundance in the expo. Bright red and black coloured jackets from Nagaland, Angora shawls from Sikkim (made of rabbit wool) and black stone pottery of Manipur were among the other exhibits.

Herbs and herbal products, tea, bamboo shoot pickle and dried fruits like those of star fruit and apple were fast picked up by visitors.

Sharbani Dutta, who is from Assam but stays in New Delhi, says: "I have made it a point to pick up as many packets of tea from the expo. I really miss the flavour of Assam tea here".

Kanwaljit Kaur, another visitor, bought a handful of cane handicrafts. "It would be foolish to come to here and not pick up a couple of handicrafts. They are both beautiful and unusual."
"The sale has been very good. We didn’t expect such a huge response," said Prabash of the Manipur stall to IANS. "People like our products," agreed Juma of Assam in her broken Hindi.

With folk music playing in the backdrop, colorful cultural performances and special northeast cuisine to go with it all, the expo, which ran from Jan 27 to Feb 4, was a runaway hit. IANS)