With the Union Ministry of Environment and Forest giving environmental clearance to UCIL to mine uranium in the State, MPCC decided to dump Mr Shylla, fearing that continuing the campaign for uranium mining in the face of strong public opposition could jeopardise the Congress’ chances in the coming Assembly elections, NCP said.

Talking to The Shillong Times, NCP candidate from Mylliem constituency Pynshai M Syiem alleged that Mr Shylla was the latest victim of the Congress’ policy of "use and throw."

"Congress has used Mr Shylla to start an all-out campaign for uranium mining in the State. The mastermind behind this campaign are MPCC president OL Nongtdu and Chief Minister DD Lapang," Mr Syiem claimed.

Mr Shylla became the main Congress campaigner for uranium mining because Mr Nongtdu and Mr Lapang did not have the "courage" to do so, he said.

"The truth is that this campaign (for uranium mining) was actually initiated by the UPA Government at the Centre. The Central Government was putting pressure on the State Congress to launch the movement for uranium mining as it was Congress which was (has been) leading the government in Meghalaya," Mr Syiem pointed out.

It's pertinent to note here that for the past one-and-a-half years, Mr Shylla has been very vocal in favour of uranium mining in the State leading to his soured relationship with KSU, KHNAM, HSPDP and others, who are dead against the uranium project.

Banned outfit HNLC had even attempted to take away Mr Shylla's life due to his support to the issue of uranium mining in the State.

Despite rebel threat to his life, Mr Shylla continued to severely criticise all the organisations opposing the uranium mining project, accusing them of being "anti-nationals."

The NCP candidate claimed that Congress understood the futility of sticking to Mr Shylla in its uranium mining campaign in view of the ensuing Assembly polls and Centre's environmental clearance to the project.

Interestingly, Mr Syiem went on to say that both Mr Nongtdu and Mr Lapang had hatched a conspiracy to oust Mr Shylla from the post of KHADC CEM with the support of the Congress MDCs.

"No one has raised any objection to the election of Mr Syiem as CPP leader. All the 16 Congress MDCs were given a chance to speak at the CPP meeting," Mr Nongtdu told this reporter.

He also denied having hatched a conspiracy with Mr Lapang to chuck Mr Shylla out of the post of KHADC CEM, saying "he had not met any of the MDCs before last Friday's CPP meeting," which unanimously removed Mr Shylla as CPP leader.

Mr Nongtdu, however, said he would wait for the outcome of the no-confidence motion against Mr Shylla slated for February 5 "before taking any decision against him."

Mr Shylla had earlier requested the MPCC chief to wait for his resignation till February 5 when the court is likely to give its final verdict in the case regarding Waibha Kyndiah's tribal status.

TURA: Former Minister and two-time MLA from Dalamgre constituency, Armison Marak, passed away at his residence here on Saturday night. He was 85.

Marak had joined politics after his retirement as a teacher from Govt MP School, Tura, and was elected from Dalamgre constituency on an APHLC ticket in 1977.

When APHLC split, he became the president of the APHLC (Armison) group.

In 1988, he became the Minister for Transport and Cooperation during the tenure of PA Sangma government.

Referred to as a Gandhian by his peers, Marak was actively associated with Tura Baptist Church. He was also president of ABDK Krima IV for sometime.

JOWAI: The Rs-785.88 crore Leshka Hydro-Electric Project worth 126 MW of power, to be commissioned by mid-2009, is likely to significantly help overcome the power crisis in the State.

Work for all the three units of the power project located just below the confluence of the three major rivers of Myntdu, Lyngriang and Lamu in Jaintia Hills is going on in full swing.

Unit I of the Leshka power project will be commissioned in November this year and the II and III units in March and June next year.

A total of 238 MeSEB staff, including MeSEB engineers, and 500 local contractors are working round the clock at the site of the project spread over a vast area of 437.57 acres. The Board will spend Rs 15.09 crore as land compensation.

As many as 135 buildings have been constructed at different places to accommodate the officers. Local people and land owners are also engaged in construction of the buildings and also roads leading to the power project.

The project has also provided local people with jobs. They include 24 as clerical staff from War-Jaintia and 19 others from Jaintia Hills. The number of casual local staff is 86.

The power project has largely helped local residents, specially those from backward villages like Suchen and others, with road connectivity of about 40 km.

Completion of the project may see the villagers enjoy other facilities like water supply, electricity for schools and telephone communication.

The Leshka project will not only generate electricity but it could be one of the major tourist spots in the State as well because the area is rich in scenic beauty.

The Leshka project has also proven to be economically conducive for power generation. At present, the Meghalaya Government purchases power from outside the State at rates ranging from Rs 3.50 to Rs 10 per unit. In 2006-2007, the State had to shell out Rs. 260.52 crore to purchase 897.50 MW of power.

SHILLONG: For a few it was searching their cultural identity and for others renewing their faith -- Hynniewtrep, U Khynriam, U Pnar, U Bhoi, U War and people irrespective of cast and community undertook the annual pilgrimage to the 1343-metre-high U Lum Sohpetbneng (Navel of Heaven) peak near here on Sunday.

Young and old took out the annual procession praising God for his blessings. In Sohpetbneng, rituals were performed in honour of the origin of Khasi race and thanking God for whatever he has done to the race.

Sanctified rice grains and water were distributed on the occasion to gain spiritual fulfilment and good health.

Artistes performed tranditional dances and Khasi leaders spoke about the theme of the annual pilgrimage.

The pilgrimage to U Lum Sohpetbneng, 20 km away from the capital city Shillong, is undertaken every year to honour the origin of Khasi race and to seek the blessings of God.

Set against the backdrop of a "sacred forest", this place is known as "Navel of Heaven", as per Khasi mythology.

According to the myth, during ancient times, "when truth reigned supreme", there were 16 families in heaven. They used to descend to the earth and ascend to heaven using a golden ladder based at Lum Sohpet Bneng.

With the passage of time, seven of the 16 families wished to stay on earth permanently. Fulfilling their wish, God asked them to obey three commands -- lead a righteous life, respect and love fellow beings and God and recognise and respect the clan and relations.

But they failed to go by the commands resulting in removal of the golden ladder from Lum Sohpet Bneng by God. Their hope to return to heaven was permanently dashed.

But, the myth says, God assured these families that they could return to heaven by following the commandments and after performing certain duties.

Hence the all the Khasi clans undertake the annual pilgrimage to re-establish the link between heaven and earth through the golden ladder.

If any confirmation was needed about the pseudo-religious nature of the Ramjanmabhoomi movement, then it has been provided by the absence of any reference to the issue in the latest conclave of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

As is known, the agitation for the "liberation" of the putative birthplace of Lord Ram, where the Babri masjid was located, was launched by L.K. Advani and the BJP with great fanfare in 1990.

It led to the destruction of the mosque by a violent mob in the presence of Advani and other senior BJP leaders two years later. The agitation was based on the theory that the mosque was built by Mughal emperor Babar in Ayodhya in 1528 after pulling down an ancient temple dedicated to Ram.

Although the demolition was followed by communal riots virtually all over the country, it helped the BJP, which used to languish on the margins of the political arena, to leapfrog to the centre stage of politics and come to power at the national level in 1998 after a 13-day stint in 1996.

What undoubtedly helped the party was the mobilisation of the votes of mainly the communal-minded Hindus by whipping up anti-Muslim sentiments. Since then, the demonisation of Muslims (and also Christians) has been the mainstay of saffron politics.

Yet, nearly two decades after the Ramjanmabhoomi movement was launched by Advani with his Somnath-to-Ayodhya rath yatra (chariot ride) with the promise to build the Ram temple, the subject has been quietly dropped by the BJP.

Why has its faith fizzled out? A probable explanation is that the temple card cannot be played too often without inviting ridicule. Since the BJP could not take any concrete measure to keep its pre-election promise during its six-year-long stint in power, it will be absurd for it to say now that it will make yet another attempt to build the temple if it again comes to power.

Besides, the party may have lost interest in the subject because it has already gained the intended political benefits from its temple plank. The BJP's main "achievement" in this respect has been to vitiate the social and political scene in a way that secular concepts are derided and anti-Muslim sentiments are openly expressed - something which was highly unusual up to the 1980s.

This communalisation of the atmosphere is the result of the persistent campaign from the time of the Ramjanmabhoomi agitation to revive memories of Muslim atrocities, including the breaking of temples, in the medieval period and linking the community with the threat posed by Islamic terrorism today.

So, Indian Muslims are held guilty by the BJP and the saffron brotherhood for both the sins of their forefathers and the terror tactics of fundamentalists of the present generation.

Any party, whether it is the Congress or those of the Left, which is seemingly sympathetic towards the minorities, is immediately tarred, therefore, with the brush of anti-nationalism by the BJP and the Sangh parivar. And any concern for human rights in the context of high-handed police action involving Muslims is scorned as the response of bleeding heart liberals.

It is not difficult to see, therefore, that the Ramjanmabhoomi movement was essentially a political one, with religion only providing a convenient cover with the intention of making the ordinary people believe that the BJP leaders were being guided by their devotion for Hinduism.

This cynical tactic was successful, considering that simple villagers lined the route of Advani's 1990 journey, throwing flowers and offering incense, with some describing the BJP leader as an avatar or an incarnation of a Hindu deity. Rarely before has religion been so blatantly used by a political party to boost its prospects.

Advani himself told the Liberhan Commission inquiring into the demolition of the Babri masjid that "I could see in the eyes of people, particularly the rural folks and tribals, a sense of reverence normally bestowed on religious men".

He evidently had no intention of disclaiming any such status and telling his gullible audience that he was a politician on a mission of garnering votes by whatever means possible. Nor was he bothered that his espousal of the Hindu cause would upset the delicate balance between the majority community and the minorities, leading to tension and violence.

If this potent weapon is now being discarded, the reason is not only the realisation in the Hindutva camp that its hypocritical display of religiosity may no longer fetch votes but also the fact that its "secular" partners in the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) have always been uneasy about the temple card lest it annoy the minorities.

It was to woo them that the BJP had dropped the three major issues of its Hindu agenda - building of the temple, scrapping of Article 370 conferring special status on Jammu and Kashmir and introducing a uniform civil code - from its future programmes in 1996. The concession was successful since it led to the NDA's formation, but this very act had also shown that the BJP was using the temple as a political ploy and that religion had nothing to do with it. The fatuity, therefore, of the earlier comparison drawn by the Hindutva warriors between the independence movement and the Ramjanmabhoomi agitation is obvious. (Amulya Ganguli is a political analyst. He can be reached at aganguli@mail.com)

Around five years ago, the Constitution (Eighty-sixth Amendment) Act, 2002 was enacted, and it said, "It shall come into force on such date as the Central Government may, by notification in the Official Gazette, appoint." From that appointed date a new Article 21A of the Constitution would come into force, decreeing that "the State shall provide free and compulsory education to all children of the age of six to fourteen years in such manner as the State may, by law, determine". Article 21A recognizes the fundamental right to education of the age-group 6 to 14-years in place of the age-group 0 to 14-years in the old Article 45 enunciated as a directive principle of state policy. What has happened to the new fundamental right? The short answer is that it is alive but not kicking.

These last five years seem to have passed quickly and eventually for us in many ways. To put it in one word, we have started thinking of "prosperity". The sensitive index has risen to dizzy heights that were never scaled before; the gross domestic product has started rising at a faster rate and is now reportedly around 10 per cent a year and expected to stay thereabouts over the next few years. Our richest capitalists have gone global in a spectacular way and are now counted among the richest in the whole world.

On top of all this there is also great enthusiasm for education in the market. There is talk of huge private investment helping to finance many of the 900 brand new universities that the Knowledge Commission wanted instituted to do justice to India’s perceived predominance as the new knowledge power. Manmohan Singh, usually down-to-earth, seems to have had his imagination fired to the extent that he got the brave Knowledge Commission’s figure of 900 clipped only by one digit and put 90 new universities in his own wish-list. The Planning Commission, too, has played ball to an extent, for it has started talking of 30 new universities.

In such highly propitious circumstances, surely one could have thought that fair winds were blowing at last for India’s long and difficult voyage towards universal elementary education? But though these are indeed good signs that gladden the heart, there are ominous clouds too. First the good news. Until as late as the middle of July, the prime minister had stood firmly by the framework for the implementation of Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA), which said "the assistance to the States will be on an 85:15 sharing arrangement during the IX Plan, 75:25 during the X Plan and 50:50 thereafter". This meant that from now on it would be 50:50 until the successful completion of SSA. Since many states were in no position to sustain the movement at this ratio, it appeared to many of us that the mission was going to be choked to death and the long history of public spending on elementary education in India was coming to an ignominious end.

Fortunately, Manmohan Singh heard the voices of protest and it is practically owing to his intervention that the cabinet has changed the framework and fixed the ratios at 65:35 for the two years 2007-08, 2008-09, tapering down to 50:50 only in 2011-12. Simultaneously, at the last full meeting of the Planning Commission a very substantial increase in the allocation for SSA has been announced. This is a bigger boost than what one may immediately see. The child population of the age group 6-13 years is now estimated for 2011-12 to be about 18 crore, which is 6.33 crore less than the original census estimate. Perhaps, at long last, the population size too has started responding to relative prosperity to a perceivable extent. So the amount we need now for universal elementary education is smaller than what we had anticipated.

Now the bad news, incongruously, is about the new fundamental right itself. The Central Advisory Board of Education (CABE) sub-committee on right to education (2004), chaired by Kapil Sibal, had produced a piece of draft legislation that was discussed extensively by CABE through 2005 and a comprehensive draft was sent thereafter to the Central ministries and state governments for comment. The prime minister constituted a high level group under the chairmanship of the minister of human resource development to consider the legal and financial implications of the proposed act. The other members of the HLG are the finance minister, the deputy chairman of the Planning Commission and chairman, prime minister’s economic advisory council.

Again, until at least the middle of July, the prime minister had stood firm on the question and had said, "The Centre will adopt a Model Bill on Right to Education and will take steps to persuade States to adopt such legislation." It is now understood that the HLG has not yet been able to decide on the need, or even the feasibility, of a Central legislation acceptable to the states that would, at the same time, put the onus of financial and constitutional responsibility implied in the fundamental right to education largely on the states.

What makes the Central government dither over notifying a constitutional amendment that was passed unanimously in each House five long years ago without a single dissenting voice heard from any of the members or the parties they belonged to? Why are so many of the same people in government and the opposition hemming and hawing now? The answer that comes to mind should be worrying for a democracy.

Our political leaders had often been mesmerized by their own hype and the habit cultivated through many decades of making any number of positive sounding promises in parliament and in election manifestos without a thought for the morrow. The habit persisted because of the singular distinction made in our Constitution between fundamental rights and the directive principles of state policy. The government at the Centre or the states did not have to answer for having made a promise they knew they would not keep, unless not keeping it violated a fundamental right. Fortunately, the government’s confidence in interpreting the Constitution of India can sometimes be badly shaken, as it demonstrably was by a number of Supreme Court judgments in the Nineties, notably in the case of the right to education—the famous judgment on the writ petition of J.P. Unnikrishnan and others against the State of Andhra Pradesh in 1993.

In that case, the Supreme Court for the first time read Article 45 (directive principles of state policy) along with Article 21 (fundamental rights). The court decreed that the right to education was to be construed as a fundamental right flowing from the right to life itself and Article 45 defining the relevant age-group (0 to 14-years as it then was) had to be seen only as providing the parameters within which the right to education was being defined. This judgment stays put as the law of the land at least until the 86th amendment is notified.

So the dilemma before the HLG is real, though perhaps not yet fully understood in all its ramifications. You may try to pass a Central Act and notify the 86th amendment. You probably then will face revolt in parliament. Ministers, along with the members from different parties and states, joyfully and unanimously voted for the amendment, "innocently" thinking it "may" not be, therefore cannot be, activated by Central legislation—as a very senior politician lucidly explained to his listeners. Or you may prefer masterly inactivity. INAV

Sir,

Seeing the defense contingents during the Republic day march past in New Delhi this year, I felt "proud to be Indian". My patriotism grew more and intense as I watched the display of courage, bravery and discipline by the valiant jawans of our country. Hats off to them!

However, I wonder when we would hear Col./Cap./Major Sangma or Marak or Lyngdoh commanding the march past or someone from them piloting T-90 MBTs or Sukhoi-305. I urge my brethren from Meghalaya to step forward to be part of these valiant soldiers of India. Let us follow the footsteps of late Capt Clifford Nongrum.

Your etc.,
Earningstone R Sangma,
Shillong-1

Sir,

In response to the letter "DD faux pas on Wangala" written by Jenniefer Dkhar (ST, Jan 31), I would like to share my personal experience in regard to the ignorance of people across the country about North East. During my college days, being a student of media I had the privilege of attending a seminar in Guwahati where the topic of discussion was "Coverage given by National Media to Northeast". The chief guest was a senior bureaucrat from the North Eastern Council.

To our shock this gentleman commented, "if people do not know places like Shillong and Guwahati it is not their fault as these places have not achieved much." None of the senior journalists present there raised a word or two on that. I could not take the offense and told him that if these people did not know about these places then they lacked basic knowledge of geography. I was not shocked by his ignorance about North East, but the pride in his ignorance.

Yours etc.,
Subhadeep Bhattacharjee
Bangalore
Via e-mail

Sir,

I wholeheartedly agree with Union Minister for Women and Child Development Renuka Chowdhury that certain TV Channels are demeaning for our Indian culture and tradition. I also agree with her statement that "Children behave rashly while watching TV... only positive messages must be aired". Today's kids are talking all the time of shooting and killing. It is due to the programmes like "Power Rangers" etc. Too much of violence and shooting is shown on some TV channels and it definitely has affected the mindset of the children of 4 to 8 years of age.

Adults are also getting the share of all the masala on divorce and clandestine sexual affairs on the famous or rather infamous programme like "The Bold and Beautiful". People should boycott such programmes.

Yours etc.,
Jimmy Fernandes
Via e-mail

Poultry culling has been ordered in the border districts of Dhubri and Kokrajhar, with close to one lakh chickens targeted to be culled within the next seven days.

Culling has been started along the Indo-Bangladesh border and would cover all border areas with Bangladesh as well as West Bengal.

The Central government had taken the decision to cull the chickens on the basis of the report submitted by a Union Health and Veterinary departments' team that had visited North East after the outbreak of bird flu in West Bengal.

Culling of birds is almost complete in the affected West Bengal, where 32 lakh chicken have been destroyed so far, state Animal Resources Development Minister Anisur Rehman on Sunday said.

A bird flu alert has been sounded in Uttarakhand following the death of some chicken even as authorities in Bihar and Orissa have "objected" to culling operations in their states saying there was no trace of the deadly virus. (PTI)

Addressing a mammoth rally at Stable Ground here on Sunday, he alleged that the Congress is trying to oust the Left Front Government in Tripura with the help of insurgents as was evident from its electoral marriage with the INPT.

"The INPT is not mere a political party, but has direct support from underground outfits," he claimed.

The Congress repeated what it had done in the last Assembly election this time too, he said, adding that the alliance would fail the Congress this time also.

"We are not worried about the unholy alliance. But this will emerge as major threat to the national security," Karat said.

He also blamed Congress for unrest in north eastern states.

"The Congress-led UPA Government has imposed President rule in Nagaland due militancy. On the other hand, it forged alliance with INPT, a mask of underground outfits, in Tripura," he said.

Karat further highlighted the Left Front Government's achievement in all fronts during the last five years. "This time, the wining margin of the Left Front will be increased that would send a message to the entire nation," he added.

Chief Minister Manik Sarkar in his speech assured that the Front would continue to work for betterment of the State.

"The Left Front will ensure that basic needs of the people are attended," he said.

Sarkar also recalled the horror days of the Congress-TUJS alliance.

Besides, senior CPI(M) leader and chief executive member (CEM) Aghore Debbarma, CPI (M) central committee member Gita Sengupta and West Bengal Minister Srikumar Mukhopadhayay also delivered speeches in the rally.

NNN reports: Killa police in south district of Tripura arrested 14 persons on Saturday for allegedly using forged documents in enlisting their names in the electoral roll. Returning Officer of Udiapur subdivision complained against them a few days back. They were sent to the court on the same day and granted interim bail.

Former Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio and NPF president and former planning minister Shurhozelie are seeking re-election from their respective home constituencies Northern Angami-II LAC and Northern Angami-I LAC respectively.

However, the party president Shurhozelie said the remaining seven constituencies could not be finalized as NPF was discussing seat adjustments with other parties, including BJP.

BJP, which was part of the alliance government, already announced candidates for 13 seats and the party is likely to contest in another 15 seats. Congress has declared 58 names for the 60-member House, accommodating ten DAN defectors in the party list. (PTI)

The driver of the passenger bus, plying between Nachou in Bishnupur district and Imphal, lost control while trying to avoid a hand-pulled card from hitting. All of the injured victims were admitted to the Regional Institute of Medical Sciences (RIMS) hospital for treatment.

The women were regular vegetable vendors of Imphal. The driver is identified as Samu. (NNN)

"We have a broad framework for a peaceful dialogue with the Chinese Government following an agreement signed at the highest level between heads of the two Governments during the recent Beijing trip of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and earlier in 2003," Singh told PTI.

This, the Governor said, would help maintain peace and tranquility along the international border while a high level dialogue was on to resolve the dispute.

The former Army chief, who took over as the Governor on January 27, just three days before the visit of the prime minister to the eastern most border state, said a high level meeting was held at Itanagar with National Security Advisor M K Narayanan, who came along with the Prime Minister to discuss issues including the border and the insurgency problem.

On steps to deal with insurgency in Arunachal, he said, he was vested with special power under Article 371 to take necessary steps and measures for maintaining law and order.

In New Delhi: Indicating that China does not have a solid legal claim on Tawang as it withdrew from there after capturing it in 1962, former Foreign Secretary Kanwal Sibal has said its withdrawal from the area in Arunachal Pradesh was a de facto acceptance of the McMahon Line. "In 1962 China had captured Tawang and yet it withdrew from it and the rest of Arunachal Pradesh largely to what is the McMahon Line, thereby de facto accepting its validity," he said. (PTI)

Speaking at the meeting, the director held the low quality education as reason for less enrolment in government schools in recent years.

"Parents often opt for English medium schools even though the fees are much higher to ensure that their wards get better education. With the introduction of English medium in government schools, enrolment has increased immensely," she said. (NNN)

The rats, which had ravaged cultivation areas during 2007 due to periodic gregarious bamboo flowering locally known as 'Mautam' might continue their acts, a pest scientist in the State Agriculture Department James Lalsiamliana told PTI. Though it had been experienced in the past, especially in the late 1950s that the rodents die in February-March after food was no longer available with bamboo seeds germinating and crops devastated, this time in an unprecedented ecological twist, the Dendrocalamu Hamiltoni species, locally known as 'Phulrua' began to flower and bear fruits in the past one month, providing food not only for rats but also jungle fowls and wild boars, he said. "We have received reports from many places in the State that 'Phulrua' had flowered and bore fruits and if rodents continue to find food due to the sudden development, they may survive and continue destruction of the crops," he cautioned. (PTI)