A prediction map prepared by Research Associate Dr Dibyendu Adhikari and Arun Chettri of the Department of Botany, NEHU, has showed that areas in and around Byrnihat, Baghmara, Tura and Zikzak of Meghalaya have "suitable environmental conditions for proliferation" of the bird flu virus. Interestingly, the map also highlights areas in West Bengal, where avian influenza has already posed a menace, and most of the districts of Bangladesh.

Though the map covers potential risk zones of bird flu in almost all northeastern states, including Assam, Tripura, Manipur and Mizoram, the hilly areas in Meghalaya, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh have been shown as lying in lower-risk zone.

Dr Adhikari and Mr Chettri, in a statement issued here, said the prediction map of the potential risk areas of bird flu in the Northeastern India was made through the technique of Ecological Niche Modeling (ENM). ENM involves using artificial intelligence algorithm called Genetic Algorithm for Rule-Set Prediction (GARP) along with the Geographic Information System (GIS) technology, they said.

GARP is an evolutionary-computing method that builds distribution models based on non-random associations between known occurrence points for species and sets of GIS coverages describing the ecological landscape.

In earlier studies, this technique has successfully predicted the potential distributional ra-nge of some infectious diseases like ebola, chagas, human monkeypox, malaria and dengue in different parts of the world.

Dr Adhikari and Mr Chettri said they had used 28 environmental parameters for modeling the distribution of the avian influenza virus in northeastern India.

"The layers mainly included altitude, ground frost content, slope, aspect, compound topographic index, wetness index, temperature, precipitation, digital elevation model, vapour pressure and solar radiation," they said.

The GARP predictions point out that areas like Nalbari, Rangiya, Guwahati, Tezpur, Kamrup, Barpeta, Goalpara, Dhubri, Kokrajhar, Bongaigaon, Manas, Kaziranga, Udalguri, Karbi Anglong, Golaghat, Dhekiajuli, Rangapara, Nagaon and Diphu in Assam were likely to be affected by the flu virus.

"Further analysis shows that the predicted areas in Assam are mostly visited by migratory birds. Proper monitoring of the areas visited by migratory birds is needed to check further spread of bird flu," Dr Adhikari and Mr Chettri added.

"Some vested interests could use the counterfeit currency notes during election campaigns," a top police official said, adding, "Right now we cannot say much about the matter as it has to be investigated." White papers cut exactly in the size of a currency note were stuffed in between the counterfeit currency notes packed in huge bundles, police sources added.

Meanwhile, intelligence reports said counterfeit currency in 500 and 1,000 denominations worth about Rs 8 crore had already been pumped into the State for use by "vested interests" during election campaigns. Intelligence sources also said the counterfeit currency racket could be part of a conspiracy by ISI to disrupt the Meghalaya elections.

Congress' electioneering will also be livened up by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, UPA president Sonia Gandhi and AICC general secretary Rahul Gandhi.

Unlike in the last elections, BJP, which has two representatives in the present State Assembly, is confident of wooing more votes with the help of Hindi film stars this time.

According to sources, some big names of Bollywood like Dharmendra, Hema Malini, Shatrughan Sinha and Vinod Khanna will campaign for BJP in Meghalaya.

Party sources said there was also a possibility of roping in Saas Bhi Kabhi Bahu Thi-famed Smitri Irani and former Indian cricketer Navjot Singh Sidhu. Top party functionaries like LK Advani, Rajnath Singh and Venkaiah Naidu are also expected to feature in the campaigns.

"BJP is confident that Bollywood stars will provide the magic effect which will improve the party's chances of winning more seats in the State," party sources added.

Though relatively unknown in the State, SP is also going the BJP way. The party is pinning high hopes on superstar Amitabh Bachchan, beauty queen-turned-actor Aishwarya Rai, Raj Babbar and Jaya Pradha and Jaya Bachchan to open their account in Meghalaya. SP contested the last Assembly elections but failed to make any impact.

"We are bringing in our top party leaders - Mulayam Singh Yadav and Amar Singh - to join the election campaign in Meghalaya. We are also trying our best to bring in Aishwarya Rai and Amitabh Bachchan to attract voters in the State," State SP president SS Dkhar said.

Congress, however, is not keen on inviting film stars and instead it has asked top leaders to help the party win more votes.

"Bollywood stars will not make any difference. Definitely, they would bring in crowd but not votes," MPCC president OL Nongtdu said.

"We are sticking with our top party functionaries. We are bringing in Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, Congress president Sonia Gandhi and AICC general secretary Rahul Gandhi to lead our campaign in the State," Mr Nongtdu said.

He also said Mrs Gandhi had already confirmed her visit to the city for one day, adding Rahul Gandhi would be here  for a two-day campaign.

The MPCC chief, however, said the Prime Minister had yet to confirm his participation in the party's campaign in Meghalaya.

Interestingly, replying to a question if BJP could gain maximum mileage through Bollywood stars, some of who are MPs, Mr Nongtdu said, "In Meghalaya, people elect legislators on the basis of the personality and character of the candidates, not on the basis of party."

Meanwhile, sources said NCP leaders Sharad Pawar, Praful Patel and Tariq Anwar would visit Meghalaya to boost the party's poll campaign.

A class seven student was injured in South Dinajpur district when the BDR fired on the BSF, BSF officials and Superintendent of Police Kalyan Mullick said.

The student, identified as Pinku Roy, succumbed in a hospital, Mullick said.

The BDR resorted to heavy firing along the South Dinajpur border which lasted for 15 minutes from 1300 hours, BSF sources said adding the Indian border guards also returned the fire.

In Malda, the border guards of the two countries were engaged in a gunbattle for an hour in the morning after BDR opened fire on the BSF which had launched an operation to trace its sub inspector Om Prakash who was kidnapped BDR in Patiram area in Malda district, BSF officials in Shillong said.

BSF Director General AK Mitra said three BDR and a Bangladeshi civilian suffered bullet injuries while a BSF constable was also hit during the exchange of fire. (PTI)

SHILLONG: KHNAM has stepped up its ante against Congress legislator and sitting MLA from Sohiong constituency H Donkupar Roy Lyngdoh. KHNAM on Tuesday blamed the Congressman for the "backwardness" of the constituency and the "plight of people" of that area.

Only a few days back KHNAM had lent its support to some villagers who had charged Mr Lyngdoh of violating the code of conduct. Lyngdoh was accused of distributing utensils and other freebies from MLA schemes to a village. Mr Lyngdoh, however, subsequently rubbished the allegations and said his opponents were attempting to tarnish his image.

On Tueday, KHNAM candidate from Sohiong, Robert Kharbuki lashed out at the Congress MLA and asked him to answer for "the failure to develop the constituency inspite of three terms as an MLA." Mr Kharbuki, who is also a Myntri (minister) of Hima Mylliem, said this during a public meeting held at Umthlong, Nongthliew.

KHNAM is going all out to take on the Congress so as to be able to make a difference in what otherwise looks like a fight between Congress MLA Lyngdoh and UDP candidate and former minister RA Lyngdoh.

Meanwhile, some political party workers who had left either the Congress or UDP also extended their support to the KHNAM's outburst against Mr Lyngdoh. "He has failed to keep up his promises" a group of former Congress party workers said. "He talks too much but works very less," is how these political party workers react.

A senior resident from Krang village KW Nongrum who had supported Mr Lyngdoh in the 2003 election said the Congress MLA had promised to give Rs 25,000 to each house in the entire constituency if he is elected. "But nothing is fulfilled till today," he rued. "Most of the promises that he has made during his tenure as a legislator for 15 years from Sohiong might have ended in smoke," Mr Nongrum added.

Incidentally, Mr Lyngdoh has been one of the few longest serving MLAs in the present political scenario. He first won from Sohiong constituency in 1988 and followed by another win in 1993. He lost to RA Lyngdoh of UDP in 1998 but bounced back in 2003 and won again by comfortable margin.

Reacting to reports, Mr Lyngdoh said that their expulsion had no impact on the party while exuding confidence to win the elections.

Soon after taking over as the DGAR, he devoted his career for betterment of the force in various fields which led to bringing in of many positive changes. He visited all the remote and inaccessible forward posts and ensured better health care, improved habitat and provision of essential amenities to the jawans.

In a letter addressed to the Chief Minister, the statement said the Bill was against the traditional and customary law of the Elaka. It also said "Para 2 of the Bill was illogical since, according to the Myntri, there were two clans - Syiemlieh and Syiemiong - that could contest the race for the throne.

The Bill was passed by KHADC under the leadership of Chief Executive Member HS Shylla which entitled only the Syiemiong clan to join the contest for the title.

The Myntri also alleged that the Bill was prepared by the Acting Syiem without consulting the Dorbar Hima and its subjects.

One of the shrewdest ways of defeating your opponent, they say, is to flatter him to death. Mr Lal Krishna Advani did exactly that to his old-time friend and senior Atal Behari Vajpayee by demanding that he be awarded the Bharat Ratna, the highest civilian honour the Indian government can confer. Mr Advani succeeded in starting a controversy over whether Mr Vajpayee deserves the award. He also virtually sent the former Prime Minister packing out of his stewardship of the Bharatiya Janata Party and perhaps active politics.

The text of Mr Advani's letter about Mr Vajpayee to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh reads like an account of the career of a politician who belongs to the past. Mr Advani lists 10 meritorious points about Mr Vajpayee—for example, that he is India's longest-serving parlia-mentarian and a three-time Prime Minister.

More crucially, however, Mr Advani reminds the government that Mr Vajpayee is about to go into oblivion: "Sadly, there have been instances when the award was not given even when such illustrious Indians existed in our midst or when their names were suggested for posthumous recognition."

Mr Advani’s Bharat-Ratna-for-Vajpayee gambit was clearly linked to his own bid to become the BJP's nominee for the Prime Minister's post should the National Democratic Alliance, which it leads, win the next national election. Mr Advani has long nursed this high ambition. But Mr Vajpayee has repeatedly thwarted him.

As Prime Minister, Mr Vajpayee was the NDA government's unquestioned Numero Uno. He wouldn’t name a successor. Mr Advani could rise in importance—only at Mr Vajpayee's pleasure. This was a classic paternalistic relationship typical of the Sangh Parivar, which sets great store by ekachalak-anuvartitva—the RSS "principle" of the absolute rule of a single leader.

Mr Vajpayee appointed Mr Advani Deputy PM in 2002, but only with the utmost reluctance, under intense RSS pressure, and out of weakness, not strength. In 2003, Advani acolyte and then party president M. Venkaiah Naidu famously described Mr Advani as Loh Purush (Iron Man) and Mr Vajpayee merely as Vikas Purush (Man of Development or Progress), projecting them together as the BJP's "twin mascots" in the impending Assembly elections. This was an attempt to alter inner-party balances and stage a silent palace coup.

Mr Vajpayee snubbed this move, calculatedly made during his absence from India and without authorisation by the party executive. He threatened to "retire" and resorted to blackmail by declaring that Mr Advani "would lead the party to victory in the next election". Mr. Naidu had to apologise abjectly.

This time around, Mr Vajpayee has yielded to pressure. By all accounts, this took a lot of persuading by RSS secretary Mohan Bhagwat and BJP president Rajnath Singh. A major consideration was Mr Vajpayee’s extremely poor health. Yet, he remains the BJP’s most acceptable public face and the biggest source of whatever political authority it enjoys.

Mr Advani is a man in a hurry—desperate to become Prime Minister no matter by what means. That's why he put the BJP into election mode in December by setting up an "informal group" of camp-followers, including Messrs Arun Shourie, Arun Jaitley, Venkaiah Naidu, Sudheendra Kulkarni, Chandan Mitra and Vinay Sahasrabuddhe, and Ms Sushma Swaraj. Most of them have been drawn into the official 19-member election management committee.

Mr Advani was also eager to get himself anointed as the person who would lead the NDA in the next general election with a common strategy and programme. The NDA is even appointing a core group to draft a common document, to be renamed National Agenda for Governance, with not-very-convincing promises of honest and transparent governance, development, and internal security.

The Alliance’s January 22 meeting, held after the BJP's morale-boosting victories in Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh, was exhorted to turn 2008 into a "Year of Change at the Centre". This meeting was attended by the presidents of all the NDA constituent-parties barring the Trinamool Congress, their parliamentary leaders, and the Chief Ministers of all the 9 Alliance-ruled states. It sounded a clarion call against "the failed, non-performing, corrupt and internally divided government of the … United Progressive Alliance."

However, the NDA seems to be in too much of a hurry. It’s not clear that the UPA government is about to come apart. The Left parties, which had threatened to withdraw support if the UPA proceeds with the India-US nuclear deal, have changed their stance partly because the Nandigram and Taslima Nasreen episodes put them on the defensive. For its part, the UPA seems loath to push the deal and risk an early general election.

Therefore, 2008 may not become the "Year of Change at the Centre" for the NDA. The Left parties will demarcate and distance themselves from the UPA ahead of the next election, in which they will confront the Congress as their principal adversary in the three states in which they rule. The Left-UPA relationship is likely to change especially after the congresses of the Communist Party of India(Marxist) and the Communist Party of India in March. But that might not lead to an early rupture.

The NDA is risking a gamble by anointing Mr Advani as its Prime Ministerial candidate. He’s no substitute for Mr Vajpayee—he’s at best a very poor second. Mr Advani may be a loyal apparatchik (organisation man) and a deal-fixer. But he's no astute strategist. He has started issuing statements on international and national issues, but he’s out of his depth on these.

Mr Advani’s intellectual horizon is extremely narrow. His all-time favourite book is the trashy How to Win Friends and Influence People. He’s not an orator, vote-catcher or mass leader either. In his recent election meetings in Gujarat, he had to be content with audiences as small as 30 or 50-strong, while Mr Narendra Modi drew big crowds with thousands of people, as did Ms Sonia Gandhi. Compared to the 30 percent-plus approval ratings for Ms Sonia Gandhi and Mr Vajpayee in various opinion polls, Mr Advani's score is 9 percent or lower.

Four years ago, Mr Advani’s elevation to Mr Vajpayee's level wasn't acceptable to several NDA constituents. The Telugu Desam, Trinamool Congress and even the Shiv Sena opposed it and said their support was limited to an NDA led by Mr Vajpayee.

Today, the NDA allies seem to be making a mistake by bowing before the BJP’s internal choice in which they can play no role. This is markedly different from their attitude towards the Vajpayee leadership, which was never determined solely or largely by the BJP's organisational calculations, but was shaped by the man’s (misleading) image as the "soft" face of Hindutva, as "the right man in the wrong party".

After all, Mr Vajpayee has always been much less of an apparatchik than Mr Advani and lacks the stamina to handle day-to-day party affairs. Mr Advani has always been happy controlling the party through his loyalists, or going around in his rath whipping up base passions..

Mr Advani temporarily lost the RSS’s confidence and control over the BJP because of his remarks praising Jinnah. But he’s back in favour, and in greater command of the BJP than its inexperienced, Uttar Pradesh-centric political lightweight president, Rajnath Singh.

The BJP has reason to feel pleased as punch at the Gujarat election results. The NDA doesn’t. It bears recalling that the Janata Dal (United), led by the NDA’s best performing Chief Minister—Bihar’s Nitish Kumar—, contested the Gujarat elections independently of the BJP.

The BJP remains burdened by its sullied image as an intolerant, sectarian party which uses communal violence for political mobilisation and cannot provide Constitutional governance. It bears restating that Bilkis Bano had to go out of Gujarat to get even a modicum of justice.

Compared to 2004, the NDA isn't objectively better placed than the UPA as far as the overall balance of forces is concerned. It—rather, the BJP through Mr Modi, of all people—is making a tentative overture to Ms Jayalalithaa. But it has lost a major ally in the Telugu Desam and is certain to lose the Trinamool Congress if that party allies with the Congress in West Bengal.

The national political situation is less bipolar than in early or mid- 2004. Not only have the regional parties come together as a distinct bloc. The Bahujan Samaj Party has emerged a major force in UP and is making inroads into other states. Besides, there's a distinct possibility that the Samajwadi Party's hostile relationship with the Congress will undergo a change because both feel threatened by the BSP.

The NDA faces the burden of incumbency in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, where elections are due soon. It's unclear if the BJP can retain power there, and highly unlikely that it can recoup its recent big losses in UP. In the uncertain situation in which the NDA finds itself, betting on Mr Advani could prove a big gamble. (IPA)

Just as the Indian cricket team often faces a back-to-the-wall "must win" situation in order to retrieve its honour, the Congress too has to emerge victorious in a majority of the state assembly elections this year if it is to have any hope of winning the next general election in 2009.

It is the series of recent electoral setbacks that has made the Congress' need for success so essential. Having lost in Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh in the last few weeks, and in Punjab and Uttarakhand earlier, not to mention the Mumbai and Delhi municipal polls, the party has seemingly lost the confidence it had acquired in the aftermath of its 2004 victory. Now, it is the Bharatiya Janata Party's (BJP) turn to feel that it is again in a position to regain power at the centre.

Such ups and downs are typical, of course, of democratic politics and may well reflect an unavoidable trend because of ever-changing public opinion. Even then, it is possible to identify at least two reasons why the Congress is faltering.

One is that it has been unable to play the part of primus inter pares in the coalition which it heads in New Delhi, thereby undermining its standing. The other is that the party's leadership at both the national and state levels is not quite as dynamic and charismatic as the voters have come to expect, apparently because the appeal of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty is slowly fading.

To take its running of the coalition first, the Congress has unfortunately been giving the impression that it isn't in control of its allies, especially the most obstreperous of them all, the Left.

Nothing demonstrated the Congress' seeming helplessness better than its handling of the nuclear deal, which is being opposed by the communists because of their ideological aversion to American "imperialism". Despite the path-breaking nature of the deal, which promises to end India's isolation from the international community on nuclear matters, the Congress-led government hasn't been energetic and insistent enough to push it through by convincing the allies.

Its handling of the Left, for instance, has clearly lacked gumption. Yet, as the change of mind of the communists in allowing the government to go to the International Atomic Energy Agency, presumably because of their own problems over Nandigram and other issues, showed, the government might have been able to call their bluff had it been more determined.

The result of its diffidence has shown it to be something of a pushover, an accusation that is repeatedly levelled by the BJP when it calls Manmohan Singh the weakest prime minister that India has ever had.

It isn't only over the nuclear deal that the government hasn't been able to have its way. The Left has also blocked most of its efforts in the direction of economic reforms. As a result, several proposals on disinvestment, pension funds, insurance and labour reforms, foreign direct investment in the retail sector and the entry of foreign universities have remained on paper.

Since the inevitable fallout of such policy paralysis is the perception among the common people that the once-mighty Congress is being bullied by its allies, the party is losing popular support because nobody likes a wimp.

The contrast between the Congress' diffidence and the attitude of the latest hero on the political scene, Gujarat's Chief Minister Narendra Modi of the BJP, is obvious. While the former is seemingly running scared of its friends and foes, Modi had the guts to defy not only his political opponents but also the dissidents in his own party and the malcontents in the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS) and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), which are the BJP's fraternal allies.

True, Modi had a majority in the outgoing legislature and has secured another in the new one while the Congress runs a minority government. But what the latter has apparently forgotten is that its allies are as much dependent on it for staying in power as the Congress is on them.

A party has to play the game of bluff in such a situation. But only the bold can win such a contest. This is where the Congress has failed.

The party's wimpishness has been compounded by its leadership problems. Although Sonia Gandhi has achieved the near-impossible task of holding the traditionally faction-ridden organisation together, she hasn't had much success in improving the organisational network at the grassroots level, as the party's persistent failures in the Hindi heartland states of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh show.

Nor has she been able to energise it with a new vision as Indira Gandhi did with her (admittedly fake) "socialistic" promises of garibi hatao (remove poverty) or Rajiv Gandhi did with the pledge to take India into the 21st century.

Considering that the major challenge which the Congress faces today is from the "communal" BJP, she would have done well to emphasise the party's longstanding commitment to secularism. But she has oscillated between her strident "maut ke saudagar" (merchant of death) reference to Narendra Modi and her earlier reluctance to meet the widow of former Congress M.P. Ehsan Jafri, who was killed in the communal riots in Ahmedabad in 2002.

Even on the question of the nuclear deal, she has been pacifying the Left on one hand by promising not to bring forward the next general election while, on the other hand, saying that the Congress cannot be expected to sacrifice its own political space.

Similarly, while she has been consistent in her support for Manmohan Singh, the appointment of Rahul Gandhi as a party general secretary could not but raise questions about the prime minister's future tenure.

Unless the Congress stands up for its economic and foreign policy objectives vis-à-vis the allies and articulates a clear vision for the future, its prospects in the next general election will not brighten up.

Sir,

The election is very near and candidates are canvassing everywhere in the State. Many a times, when politicians make speeches, it is felt like they really have a heart for the people especially for the poor. They make promises and speak so well and full-heartedly that it makes us think they are good representatives and are fit to represent our constituency and State. But what happens when they get the power? They tend to forget all the promises they made to the people.

So, now it is the time for the people as well as the candidates to think before they say or do anything. I urge all the candidates to keep their promises because a promise is a promise.

Ours is a democratic country which means the people are the sovereign authorities. Hence we should not let down the very meaning of democracy. We should all unite and share a common area of understanding so that in future our State will be corruption-free and make progress in all spheres.

Yours etc.,
Ibankyntie Mawrie

Sir,

The Hindu fanatics in Orissa had created mayhem and nuisance by killing innocent Christians. They had burned down the convents, churches and houses and moreover, people were not allowed to celebrate Christmas peacefully.

It seems those Hindu fanatics have the license from their state government to commit the heinous crimes in the name of religion. I wonder why the Government of India did not bring the situation under control immediately and allowed them to attack the Christians for many days.

I think they are the modern Nazis of Orissa! May God bring justice for the afflicted people in the Orissa violence.

Yours etc.,
Earningstone R Sangma
Shillong (via e-mail)

Addressing the conference of social editors here, Singh said several BDOs had been charged with large-scale misappropriation of Central funds in Meghalaya.

While two BDOs have been arrested, another remains absconding pending an arrest warrant. The officer is reported to have been hiding in neighbouring Bangladesh, he claimed.

There were some other instances of misuse of funds in Meghalaya, Singh said, adding the State Government would take appropriate action against the erring officials.

Dr Singh said transparency and accountability was a must in implementation of rural development prgrammes.

Without such policy the rural development programmes would not be a success, especially in remote and backward North-East, he said.

The minsiter also said a five- pronged strategy had been adopted to ensure effective implementation of rural development programmes in a transparent manner by ensuring people's participation.

The strategy includes awareness generation, transparency, people's participation, accountability, and vigilance and monitoring, he said.

The three-day conference is expected to evolve a better understanding of rural development issues and generate a sense of social responsibility on the part of media persons. It is also amied at making the masses aware of the Government initiatives for rural development.

New Delhi: The Central Government on Tuesday lauded Sikkim and Tripura for providing basic sanitation facilities to all households.

"Against the deadline of 2012 to make available the basic facilities to all households, the (two) governments have achieved the goal much in advance, a lesson that other State governments should learn from them," Rural Development Minister Raghuvansh Prasad Singh said at the 8th Social Editors' Conference here on Tuesday.

Singh praised the Tripura Government for successfully implementing the Bharat Nirman Scheme, the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government's flagship programme aimed at providing basic infrastructure in rural areas.

The minister said there was encouraging response to the sanitation programmes in other states as well, "which is why I am confident of achieving the goal of providing basic sanitation facilities including toilets and sewage treatment plants in rural areas by 2012", he said.

"During 2006-07, 10 million households were provided with toilet facilities in the rural areas in 22 states. The overall sanitation coverage in the rural areas has gone up by 50 percent against 21.4 percent in 2001," Singh said.

According to the schedule, the Central Government has four years to go to achieve the full sanitation coverage in rural India and eliminate completely the practice of open defecation, provide water supply and toilet facilities in all schools as well. The minister said the Government was committed to provide by 2008-09 safe drinking water in 55,067 habitations. (IANS)

At a meeting chaired by the Chief Secretary Lalhuma here on Monday, senior officials of the Veterinary and Animal Husbandry and Health and Family Welfare Departments were asked to take stock of their preparedness in the event of outbreak of birdflu in the State. The Veterinary Department has prepared an action plan and procured necessary equipment and medicines to detect, prevent and tackle any outbreak of the deadly disease.

The department has also constituted over 700 rapid response teams to monitor and tackle any eventuality, and surveillance was monitored on a daily basis. The Chief Secretary asked the departments to be on high alert as the disease was like a "natural disaster", the sources said. (PTI)

In a joint letter to the Prime Minister who visits the State for two days from January 31, the two MPs Kiren Rijiju and Tapir Gao also demanded that a resolution is adopted in Parliament in its coming budget session reiterating that every inch of Arunachal would be protected. They said the people of Arunachal Pradesh expected from him an assurance of status quo in the populated areas on the border.

The two lawmakers also demanded that the traditional trade routes through Kinjomane, Taksingh, Mechuka, Manigong, Geling and Kibitho on the Sino-India border in Arunachal should be reopened by adopting a concrete proposal by the two countries. Rijiju and Gao said the "negative" policy of the Centre to isolate the border areas must be changed and demanded that all border points and villages be connected with roads and telecommunication facilities urgently.

A special component in the budgetary provision should be earmarked in the 11th Five year plan for the development of infrastructure and a one-time grant should be arranged in the current financial year to complete nearly 1200 central projects lying half done in the state for a long period. (PTI)

In a separate incident, 78-year-old Khoka Kinna committed suicide by hanging himself at his residence at Kalapani.

Agartala: A total 500 micro observers would be appointed by the Election Commission to monitor the process of elections and counting for next month's assembly polls in Tripura, official sources said on Tuesday. They would be appointed in addition to 52 general observers and 8 expenditure observers, G S G Ayanger, Chief Electoral Officer of Tripura said.

The micro obsorvers would be selected from among the Central Government employees by the 60 observers (52+8) appointed by the EC, he told reporters. The observers appointed by EC would reach the state on February 5 and tour the constituencies extensively to build confidence among weaker and disadvantaged sections, he added. (PTI)

Agartala: After Forward Bloc quit ruling Left Front in Tripura peeved over CPI(M)'s rejection of its demand for seats in coming Assembly elections, the Marxist party has rubbed the salt in its former ally's wound by fielding a FB leader who quit the party in a constituency. Forward Bloc (FB) leader and Agartala Municipal Corporation councillor Sudhir Chandra Majumdar, who left the party in protest against its decision to walk out of the Front, was named CPI(M) candidate from Bardwali constituency, a press statement issued by the marxist party said on Tuesday.

Majumder told reporters that he quit Forward Bloc as he did not support the party quitting the Front.

The FB, which does not have any member in the outgoing assembly, has been contesting the seat since 1978.

The Tripura unit of Forward Bloc quit the Left Front on January 25 after its demand to contest three seats was turned down by CPI(M). (PTI)

Imphal West Police Superintendent Clay Khongsai identified the two as Md Sajid and Md Samirkhan and that they were working with the PULF's finance section.

One demand letter relating to PULF organisation was also seized. (UNI)

Dimapur: Two things have been dominating the current Nagaland scene -- the forthcoming Assembly election and the 'NSCNs' unification' issue.

The election fever in Nagaland this time has been, to a great extent, diluted by the NSCN's unification issue and which will subsequently have an immense impact in the forthcoming Nagaland Assembly election.

Nagaland goes to poll on March 5 for the 60 Assembly constituencies.

With just little more than a month away for the election, the household talks in Nagaland is either the NSCN's unification topic or the Assembly election matter.

Given the prevailing situation, the mood of the people with regard to the assembly election is yet to pick up to the heat as expected, which is otherwise, by this time, the State would have been on the verge of bursting out into the election euphoria as in previous elections.

All had begun with the November 24 Niuland declaration where Azheto (former NSCN-IM home minister) and C Singson (NSCN-K external minister)-led group had announced to form the 'Unification Team of NSCNs'.

The 2008 Nagaland Assembly election will be a different one.

The wave of the general public is going to be definitely swayed accordingly, as in what direction the prevailing atmosphere in the NSCNs' tussle blows.

This is, however not to say that the NSCNs will involve in the election.

The Sema tribe based organisations from top to the grass-root level have been in the all-out backing to the Azheto-Singson led 'Unification NSCN' and it will not be a wrong assumption to say that the Niuland declaration of November 24 is another influential factor that had triggered to the series of resignations of ministers, MLAs and 'parliamentary secretraries' from their respective political parties while conditioning and positioning for the forthcoming Assembly election.

Citing this 'wind of change' the unfurling development in the NSCNs tussle will also determine the Nagaland assembly election.

The situation in Nagaland, particularly, in Dimapur is fluid and unpredictable, if one has to take into account the present configuration. (NNN)