A sum of Rs 23.80 lakh meant for funding election campaigns of four Congress candidates was recovered by election observers from AICC secretary Capt. (Retd) Praveen Davar and his accountant Vijay Malhotra during a raid at a premier city hotel on Sunday morning. The search for cash at the hotel where the duo of Mr Davar and Mr Malhotra were camping was made by the poll observers following a complaint filed by an "unknown individual or party."

The money was returned to Congress after AICC general secretary in-charge of Meghalaya Margaret Alva had personally spoken to the Election Commissioner and given in writing, stating that the amount was "campaign funds for four Congress candidates."

When contacted, East Khasi Hills Returning Officer (RO) Bhalang Dhar said Mrs Alva had given accounts statement of Congress bringing Rs 3.35 crore from New Delhi and that Rs 3 crore had already been distributed to all 60 Congress candidates.

"The rest of the amount will be utilised during Congress president Sonia Gandhi's State visit and also Prime Minister's visit to Meghalaya on February 27," Mr Dhar quoted Mrs Alva as saying.

The East Khasi Hill RO, however, said Rs 24 lakh remained with Congress after Mrs Gandhi's visit and distribution of money for election campaigns of the party candidates in the State.

Meanwhile, Mrs Alva told reporters that the amount of Rs 23.80 lakh was meant for use by four candidates, Rs 5 lakh each, during their poll campaigns and termed the complaint about Congress' use of money as a "panic reaction" of political rivals to UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi's successful campaign in Meghalaya.

Interestingly, this statement of Mrs Alva appears contradictory to what she had explained to the Returning Officer.

"The remaining Rs 3.80 lakh has been kept aside as expenses for the Prime Minister's visit to the State on March 27," Mrs Alva added.

Asked why funds for election campaign were being handed out at the fag end of the electioneering, she sought to evade a direct reply, saying, "It depends on the party when funds are to be allotted to candidates."

In the recent past, questions were raised by several quarters over use of money power by political parties to influence voters. The Election Commission had also made it clear that anybody indulging in this kind of "illegal activities" would be strongly dealt with.

Meanwhile, BJP has decided to lodge a complaint with the Election Commission about alleged use of money power by Congress for electoral gains, claiming that Chief Minister DD Lapang had given Rs 1.8 crore as his share for spending in the elections.

Talking to newsmen here on Sunday, BJP general secretary and MP from Arunachal Pradesh Kiren Rijiju said Congress was distributing a huge amount of money to influence voters. He also said Congress had distributed Rs 5 crore among its candidates for use in the elections.

The BJP general secretary wondered as to why at the fag end of electioneering the AICC was distributing money to its poll nominees and wanted to know the total expenditure incurred by Congress during the elections.

Stating that controversial lottery baron and BJP MP from Tezpur, Mani Kumar Subba was camping at Pine Wood Hotel here on Saturday, Mr Rijiju alleged that a lot of money was being brought from Jowai, too.

"BJP will ask the Election Commission to debar the Congress candidates using money power from participating in electoral activities," Mr Rijiju said, adding the source of money needed to be tracked by the Election Commission.

SHILLONG: BJP has sought an apology from Congress for dismantling of many churches in Arunachal Pradesh.

Reacting to Union minister Priya Ranjan Dasmunshi's recent comment that BJP president Rajnath Singh owed an explanation to the nation on the attacks on Christians in Orissa, BJP MP Kiren Rijiju told journalists on Sunday that many churches in Changlang district of Arunachal Pradesh were dismantled when Congress was in power three years ago.

"In 1978 when Indira Gandhi was the Prime Minister, Congress brought the Arunachal Indigenous Faith and Culture and Protection Act. During this period, many Christians were prosecuted and even Mother Teresa was not allowed to come to Arunachal Pradesh. Congress should tender an apology to the Christians in the North-East for this," Mr Rijiju said.

According to Mr Rijiju, BJP is a clean secular party and the allegation of Congress that BJP is communal is aimed at diverting people's attention from the real issues being faced by the North-East as well as the country.

The BJP MP also called Congress the most communal party.

SHILLONG: Union Tribal Affairs Minister Patty Ripple Kyndiah on Sunday said if things went well DD Lapang would have a better chance to be the next Chief Minister but he did not rule out "unexpected development" after the elections.

Interacting with reporters at his official residence here, Mr Kyndiah said Mr Lapang could be the next Chief Minister even as he hinted at unexpected development that might crop up after the polls.

He said after campaigning for his party in most parts of the State he was confident that Congress would win at least 30 to 31 seats, including 10 to 12 seats in Garo Hills and 18 to 20 in both Khasi and Jaintia Hills.

While saying JD Rymbai had become Chief Minister by accident, he said, "Lack of leadership qualities cost JD Rymbai the Chief Minister post. Only few days after assuming office as the Chief Minister, Mr Rymbai had lost the support of most of his loyalists and this ultimately led to his downfall."

"In power politics, being too good is not good and the good quality of Mr Rymbai went against him," Mr Kyndiah said.

The Union minister also said Mr Lapang had better leadership qualities.

Mr Lapang had also lost the confidence of his loyalists but he managed to return to the top post because his leadership qualities were better than those of Mr Rymbai, Mr Kyndiah pointed out.

He claimed that both he (Mr Kyndiah) and AICC general secretary in-charge of Meghalaya Margaret Alva had tried their level best to get Mr Rymbai party ticket but they could not do anything as Mr Rymbai was not interested as "he is fed up with the party."

Commenting on the post poll scenario, Mr Kyndiah said Congress had no untouchables and it was ready to have alliance with any political parties except BJP.

SHILLONG: Urban Affairs Minister and KHNAM president Paul Lyngdoh disagrees with UDP's statement expressing regrets for what has happened during the Congress-led MDA rule.

Addressing a party rally at Nongkrem recently, Mr Lyngdoh said it was imprudent on the part of UDP to regret what had happened in the past five years in the State.

"KHNAM has done its part to protect the interest of Khasi-Jaintia people despite having only two legislators in the Assembly. It was our party which halted the Congress move to mine uranium in the State in 2004 and also prevented the proposed acquisition of land by Indo Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) and CRPF at New Shillong," Mr Lyngdoh said, while campaigning for party candidate and sitting legislator Lambor Malngiang.

Mr Lyngdoh called upon the people to have confidence in KHNAM and to elect more candidates put up by the party, saying his party with more legislators would be able to serve the people in a better way.

Participating in two other party meetings, the KHNAM president lashed out at Congress, terming it as a "pro-rich party."

TURA: Rajabala constituency in West Garo Hills district has been in the limelight for all the wrong reasons. It is annually affected by flood and is also an area where there is growing demand for creation of a 'Plain Belt' district by a section of the people.

This time round, the electoral battle is heating up with both Congress and NCP fighting it out to grab the seat in the March 3 Assembly elections. Sitting Congress legislator Sayedullah Nongrum is facing an uphill task in this election with the presence of his main opponent and Young Turk of the NCP, Ashahel D Shira.

This is the second term for Mr Nongrum from the constituency after his defeat at the hands of K C Boro in 1998. At present there are 23,659 voters in the constituency with female voters numbering for 11841. The constituency also has 29 polling stations.

The biggest challenge for politicians in Rajabala is the problem of flood, which lashes the area every year. There are no long-term solutions to this problem by way of massive embankments to keep the flood waters at bay. Large tract of agricultural land is being affected by soil erosion due to absence of embankment to prevent flooding during monsoon.

Other issues figuring in this election are non-performance of Mr Nongrum during his tenure in office and influx from neighbouring Assam, which is a cause of concern to the residents of the constituency.

Mr Nongrum is an old war horse who has tested the political waters tactfully in the past but his NCP rival of 30 years of age is equally enterprising, going to areas where there is neglect and last minute doling out of developmental schemes by the incumbent to muster support from voters.

"I have learnt many things from my leader Purno A Sangma and one of them is addressing the people's needs" says Mr Shira whose grandmother Miriam D Shira formerly represented the constituency besides being the first lady minister in the State. His father was also an MDC from the area.

According to the Congress rival there is a need to have permanent embankments to contain floods because large tracts of agricultural land are annually lost by soil erosion to the floods.

While his opponents criticize him for allegedly using muscle power, the NCP candidate claims, "People have seen my work and they have faith I can deliver the goods." He also accuses Mr Nongrum of using divisive politics and failing to address the problems of the poor and the downtrodden in the constituency.

"Mr Nongrum has promised a lot to the people during the run up to the last elections but he has failed to deliver the goods. Even the Social Welfare Association has recently unearthed large-scale misappropriation of MLA Scheme by him" said Mr Shira.

The NCP candidate's style of campaigning is unique. Implement first and ask votes later.

He claims to have given infrastructure for schools, constructed ring wells, provided irrigation facilities to villages, and set up a medical project where voters can obtain free medicines besides medical facilities such as x-rays and check ups in Tura.

"People look up to their leaders in times of need and I provide that" he said. In the 2003 Assembly election, Mr Nongrum trounced his nearest rival from the NCP Clement Marak, by a thin margin of 215 votes. Nongrum polled 7124 votes while the Mr Marak secured 6909 votes.

SHILLONG: The tug of war between Lyngkyrdem legislator Prestone Tynsong and War Mihngi Youth Union (WMYU) continues as Mr Tynsong on Sunday made it clear that he would not withdraw the FIR he had filed against members of the organisation.

"I wanted the police to continue with the investigation so that the people would know the fact. If I am wrong I should be punished," Mr Tynsong said while addressing a press conference.

Earlier, WMYU president Amos Khongknaw and secretary Roland Budon quoted Sections 21 and 23 of RTI Act which stated that "no suit, prosecution or any legal proceeding shall lie against any person for anything which is in good faith done or intended to be done under the RTI act any rule made there under."

"The action of Mr Tynsong in filing an FIR against WMYU for exposing his misconduct as per RTI findings shows his inefficiency and lack of knowledge about the Act. Maybe, he is trying to cover up his corruption," Mr Khongknaw said.

However, Mr Tynsong said that it was pretty sad that the organisation without proper verification had come out with the allegation that I have misused an amount of Rs 3.96 lakh from the MLA Schemes, which is totally baseless.

If the members of the organisation was really concerned on the proper implementation of schemes in the constituency then they should have raised this issue two or three years back and not before the election.

"It looks like the members of the organisation are instigated by someone to come out with this false allegation to suit their political motive," Mr Tynsong said adding that the organisation could also be a political wing of some parties.

In support to Lyngkyrdem legislator, Raid Lyngkyrdem General Secretary Mr DS Lyngdoh alleged that WMYU is not a genuine organisation as they never got the No Objection Certificate (NOC) from the Working Committee of the Raid.

"Though the organisation managed to acquire the NOC from the Hatsing Budon, Rangbah Shnong Mawlieh village after they fool Mr Budon that their organisation would worked for the development of the village in particular and the region as a whole," Mr Lyngdoh said.

It may be mentioned that Mawlieh village with other three villages falls under the jurisdiction of Raid Lyngkyrdem.

He said that as per the norms of the Raid, no village dorbar is authorised to issue any NOC except for the Working Committee of the Raid.

Mr Tynsong said that Mawlieh village dorbar on April 12 2006 has written to East Khasi Hills Deputy Commissioner to derecognised the organisation as the village has withdrew the NOC issued by it earlier.

Members of Raid Nongkhlieng, Raid Nongblai and other villages under the constituency have come forward to support Mr Tynsong and they have expressed concern over this false allegation against the MLA.

Shillong: Amid sharp reactions in Manipur over some controversial texts about ‘Naga integration’ in the Congress’ manifesto for the Nagaland elections, the AICC today said there would be no changes in it.

"We cannot contest the expressions of the state units. They have their own identity and their acts are in line with the feelings of the people of the state," AICC general secretary and party in-charge of Nagaland, Margaret Alva, told reporters here.

The Manipur Congress has urged the AICC to erase the controversial bit about "Naga integration" from the document. A resolution was also moved in the Assembly in this regard and was unanimously adopted by the House.

"This House resolves to disapprove the reported statement made by Siddarth Patil, AICC secretary and demands the AICC to cause manifesto which reads as follows: The Indian National Congress in Nagaland will continue to urge upon the government of India the need to implement the 16-point agreement of 1970 in letter and spirit," the resolution adopted in Manipur Assembly on February 21 stated.

The 16-point statehood agreement includes a controversial clause on the integration of all contiguous Naga-inhabited areas. Clause 13 of the agreement states that all contiguous Naga-inhabited areas, which reportedly includes parts of Manipur and Assam, will be under a single administration.

Patil had reiterated that the Congress was committed to implementing the 16-point statehood agreement, including the clause on integration, "in letter and spirit".

Despite the protest lodged with AICC president Sonia Gandhi and AICC's Manipur in-charge Prithviraj Chauhan, Alva, who is also the member of the AICC manifesto committee, said, "The clause in manifesto is on the basis of the agreement made by the Government of India with Naga leaders in 1970. The mention of the agreement's clauses in the manifesto means that the Nagaland Congress would see that these clauses would be in focus during the peace negotiations."

When asked about the protest by its Manipur government and unit, she said, "There has to be a compromise. One state cannot meddle with the affairs of another state. Nagaland Congress knows best what its people want," she said, adding that the Nagaland manifesto was not that of the AICC. (PTI)

SHILLONG: Joint Action Coordination Committee of North East Commercial Trucks and Operators Association has lauded West Khasi Hills and Jaintia Hills Deputy Commissioners for removing the illegal check gates from national highways or State Roads within their jurisdiction respectively.

In a statement issued on Sunday, the Association extended its support to the district administrations for taking up the matter seriously while expressing hope that prices of essential commodities would come down.

It may be mentioned that the Committee has complained over the existence of many illegal check gates on national highways and PWD roads which "act as harassment and robbery."

The ministry of home affairs has proposed setting up a study group to accelerate development of North-East region of the country. The other task likely to be assigned is angularities of different tribal groups inhabiting the large chunk of the seven states in order to integrate them in the main stream of Indian polity. It is not going to be an easy task.

The foremost feature of the social order of the North-Eastern region is its plurality. It consists of the hills as well as the plains and is inhabited by three distinct groups—the hill tribes, the plains tribes and the non-tribal population of the plains. All three groups are heterogeneous. The hill areas alone have more than a hundred tribes of Mongoloid origin. There are ethnic groups with their origins among the Burmese, Tibetans, Kuki-Lushais, Meiteis, Chin-Kukis, Shan-Tais and the Aryans.

Each tribal group has its own language and culture and more than 400 dialects are spoken. All the tribes, sub-tribes and other ethnic groups have a profound distrust and antipathy towards outsiders mainly because they fear exploitation. While a majority of those living in the plains are Hindus and Muslims, a very large percentage of the tribals in Mizoram, Nagaland and Meghalaya are Christians. In Manipur also, tribal communities in the hill districts have adopted Christianity as their religion and the Roman script for their languages. In addition, there are Buddhists as well as Animists. The plains tribals have links with the hill tribes but these have weakened over the years, they have, however, forged links with neighbours in the plains in terms of language and economic activities.

The region is surrounded by China in the north-east and Burma in the east and Bangladesh to the further South. Geography has always played especially important role in the economy, politics and administration of the region. The chief geographical features are: (i) the Hills; (ii) the Brahmaputra Valley; (iii) the Barak and the Imphal Valleys.

The diverse ethnic origins of the people naturally led to the growth of centrifugal forces stemming directly out of various ways of living, different forms of worship and separate dialects. Nonetheless, over the years there emerged cultural links which greatly contributed to social cohesion. In the years that followed, the policies pursued by the British had both positive and negative effects on the process of integration. The establishment of administrative headquarters at Shillong in 1874, helped in the socialisation process between the plains and hill peoples.

Similarly, the modernisation that began with the construction of railway lines and roads, the setting up of schools, colleges, universities, printing presses, hospitals and dispensaries and the beginning of political institutions, with the advent of the Legislative Assembly, political parties and association encouraged people in the region to view themselves as part of the country and to know more about its cultural heritage, tradition and values, leading to the growth of a sense of nationalism. But the constant struggle to retain their separate identities continues and an undercurrent of sub-nationalism also follows in the region.

British attitudes and institutions also led to the induction of a new class of administrators into this region, which had far reaching and adverse consequences. Their economic policies also had serious social and cultural repercussions. The induction of cultivators from East Bengal, the migration of businessmen and the arrival of labourers from outside, all had wider ramifications in the later years. Overall, it must be pointed out that the British attitude to this unprecedented stress on the social and cultural fabric of the Brahmaputra Valley and other regions of the area was largely one of benign neglect. The British response concentrated on administrative reorganisation and led to the segregation of the different ethnic groups.

At higher policy formulation levels in the British administration, the territorial and administrative reorganisation of the North-East region was considered the only answer to its myriad problems. For a variety of reasons, the basic economic and social issues were relegated to the background. The pre-Independence reorganisation demonstrated a lack of understanding of the social and cultural distinctiveness of the region. The British policy was aimed at containing the spread of whatever little of the homogeneous cultural traditions that were obtaining then.

Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru used to say that he would hate to come in the way of tribal customs when many of them were of a democratic nature. He did not want the tribals to feel that anything was being imposed upon them without their consent. He sincerely felt that they must grow according to their own genius.

It is well known that after successfully vivisecting India, the ruling foreign power had also drawn up a well-planned strategy for turning the North-Eastern region into a colony in the context of the rapidly growing tribal consciousness in the initial and critical period before and after Independence. In their design to carve out a separate colony they also planned to maintain two ports for carrying on their trade from this region. One was Maungdaw-Bathidaung region with Chittagong to be made a free port for some time and the other one was the Moulmein-Tavoy region to the sea, where the Karens predominate with Mons and other hill people. Above the Tenessarim Division there are Shans in the Shan States, the Chins and Kachins. These groups of hill people form the best soldiers in Myanmar (Burma), Kachin Independent Army (KIA) is a very well-knit insurgent outfit in Burma beyond the borders of the North-Eastern weapons to all the different outfits in exchange for money. Therefore, the insurgent groups take recourse to heavy extortions and regular house tax collections to meet these expenses. The scheme of carving out such an agency would have really become another master stroke of a few cunning British schemes in that crucial period after Partition.

But neither the most difficult terrain nor the inaccessibility of this region could prevent the clarion call of Mahatma Gandhi, Pandit Nehru and Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose from reaching the hills, dales and hamlets of this isolated region. Because of the strong patriotic and nationalist leadership of Assam in those critical years, the design of the imperialist schemers could not materialise, although a powerful section of Naga leadership was fighting for independence under late A.Z. Phizo. The various tribal groups were also keen on being completely freed from all manner of administrative control exercised over them by Assam.

Constant hostility from various ethnic groups posed real and serious challenges to the peace and stability of this region and to the integrity of the country. On the one hand, the emergence of Maoism in China provided the militant young men and women content and a philosophy for launching armed people’s movements. On the other, various ethnic groups had their aspirations too, as they could see a ray of hope after centuries of neglect, when India became free from imperialist domination. They wanted to retain and safeguard their identities.

When a revolutionary transition takes place in vast country internal crises and upheavals are bound to surface. And in a democracy, one has to find solutions to such complex and challenging problems through peaceful and democratic means. Therefore, achievements on this front can be described as a saga of our vibrant and living democracy.

Through decades of strife, and patient dialogue and discussions, at times appearing to be somewhat frustrating, the North-Eastern region has blossomed forth into seven beautiful flowers, each retaining its separate identity and richness.

There are some ethnic groups in this region, which still genuinely apprehend that they are being rapidly absorbed by other communities and they are being deprived of their legitimate shares from the gains of various development programmes and in the administration of their areas. They genuinely feel that they are lagging behind in the field of economic progress and development.

The Bodos feel that they are being overshadowed and administered by others. The people in Karbi Anglong and Haflong and the people living in the hill areas of Manipur, Mizoram and Tripura and in other isolated areas in the region nurture the same feeling.

A large section of people in the Brahmaputra Valley of Assam genuinely feel that systematic and planned infiltration of people from a neighbouring country in large numbers, even after Partition, is upsetting the original demographic structure of the State. They also feel that in the utilisation of their natural resources, they must get their due share and benefit.

There is a growing feeling among all sections of people, that the region still continues to remain a captive market for consumer goods manufactured in the rest of the country. There is no plough back of capital from profit earned here. Rightly a question is raised that with elected representatives controlling the state administration, why does insurgency raise its head with all its violent manifestations verging on rapid secessionist activities and utterances!

Let us take the recent developments in Assam as a case for intense study and analysis. After a spell of violent agitations led by the students, the democratic process re-established itself again in the state.

But why has insurgency come to the fore? In the process of democratic growth of our polity, there are bound to be various stages of development. We have to overcome many internal contradictions when the society passes through various stages of transition. In the context of economic and political turmoil in this very sensitive border region, I think it is relevant to quote here the following observations from the Report of the Tata Consultancy Services. The report says: "It is estimated that by the turn of the 20th century, nearly two-third of the North-East population would be less than 34-years of age, which indicates that the predominantly young society is highly likely to chalk out a new course, influenced by its rapidly increasing exposure to the external world. "With the steady influx of technology, and with the growing exposure to the external world, the North-East society is going to undergo considerable change. In the societal evolution, there is a critical need to manage that process of change and to provide a proper direction so that the change becomes a well-guided and orderly transition rather than a sudden discontinuity."

It must also be borne in our mind that this region in general is a distinct geographical entity and each of the seven states comprising the region has also very distinct and separate identities and traditions. Therefore, no set or any standard approach will hold good for all the seven states equally or in some degree. INAV

India is a country of conflicting realities. Nothing illustrates this better than the confusing results of various surveys undertaken recently on the liveability of Indian cities. In its Worldwide Quality of Living survey, Mercer Human Resource Consulting, a firm advising companies on the placement of their personnel, anointed New Delhi as the best city to live in, so far as India is concerned. It surveyed 215 countries on the basis of 39 criteria that included social, economic and environmental factors. Dominant among these were considerations of pollution, public health, access to hospitals and spread of infectious diseases. Days later, AC-Nielsen came up with its own findings. According to it, New Delhi and Mumbai are the worst cities in India. Chandigarh, with its strict adherence to the original city-plan, is the best city, followed by Chennai, Kolkata trails close behind. Among its 11 parameters are air pollution, drainage, greenery, garbage disposal, clean drinking water and so on.

It goes without saying that unlike any of the other metropolitan cities, New Delhi has worked steadfastly on refurbishing its image as the political and diplomatic capital of the country. Its Master plan for 2021 is ready, with proposals for land use and expansion clearly laid out (although not much thought has been spared for guaranteeing the plan’s enforcement or assessing the impact of the liberal commercialization it provides for). The Supreme Court-promoted sealing drive on illegal commercial establishments has tidied up the city. There are plans for strengthening the infrastructure, and making durable roads from disposable plastic waste. Above all, there is the city’s resounding success in cutting down on air pollution by shifting to compressed natural gas as fuel for its vehicles. Not many cities have been able to "leapfrog" towards cleaner air as New Delhi has. Its protracted struggle from the early Nineties, punctuated by the state government’s own pussy-footing on the issue, has now enabled it to close or relocate most of the hazardous industries outside the city, to drastically reduce the sulphur content in industrial and vehicular fuel, to phase out old and polluting vehicles, and thereby reduce noxious emissions, and to push for the conversion to CNG by putting the requisite infrastructure in place. Mumbai too has affected the closure or relocation of textile mills and ancillary units. By 2002, it had even replaced or forced the conversion of its polluting taxis and three-wheelers to CNG or LPG. But it has not been able to report as much success as New Delhi. The construction of flyovers, the traffic congestion and the population increase have negated much of the positive impact of its measures.

Both Chennai and Kolkata have done little to control vehicular pollution, apart from passing strictures on the reduction of the sulphur content of the fuel. Kolkata is yet to relocate all of its polluting industries outside the city, and its drive against vehicular emission has been singularly ineffective. It seems to be following New Delhi in its initial stages of pollution control, when the state government systematically thwarted the judiciary’s attempt to make it see reason. Unlike New Delhi, however, it has not shown much initiative in passing pollution control regulations. Yet, Kolkata’s hope lies entirely in its effective limitation of vehicular emissions, since leapfrogging to CNG or to alternative fuels still remains a distant dream in its case. The possibility of a physical expansion could have reduced either the population or traffic-density. But unlike New Delhi, again, Kolkata does not have that option, bounded off by the river Hooghly and the wetlands on either side. A severe crisis thus seems to be looming ahead of Kolkata, now hell-bent on promoting itself as an investment destination for foreign funds.

But, as the surveys indicate, air pollution alone does not determine the liveability of cities. Access to healthcare, the availability of electricity, potable water, proper sanitation, drainage and transport are the other major concerns. Knowledgeable people point out that despite its alarming pollution levels, Kolkata is still eminently liveable for the lower middle classes and the poor who enjoy its low cost of living, abundant water and the corrupt and much-abused, but still functioning healthcare system.

The liveability of a city depends on the perception of the needs of its residents. To a set of people, education and entertainment (in the form of shopping malls, cinemas and so on) are equally legitimate needs as water, electricity and good roads. These, in fact, are now part of the ‘basic’ requirements of the upper and middle classes that form the bulk of the surveys’ samples. Mercer, quite obviously, is not engaging itself with the concerns of the lower middle classes and the poor when it talks of ‘liveability’. Nor, evidently, are the modern-day city-planners.

In New Delhi, for example, the drive to promote it as a model city and the consequent demolition drive have brought down numerous shanty-towns and slums that dotted the Yamuna. The residents (only those who can prove that they have lived in the city since a time preceding 1998) have been relocated kilometres away from the city where they fight over the meagre resources of water and food. In their shacks standing on bamboo poles, there is no scope for proper sanitation or drainage. Yet, in a large number of these slums, the residents earlier enjoyed running water and electricity, and shared in the general wellbeing of the community. New Delhi has been made unliveable for them so that other sections of the population may live in it.

The government is under no compulsion to make the lives of these people or their places of residence liveable. They are, in official parlance, the non-paying polluters, who are either shunted out of the city or allowed to remain invisible under sprawling flyovers as the city carries on its march towards progress. But can the city move forward or be able to preserve its environment if it chooses to forget them entirely? For, many of those who have been displaced—even if they are exiled out of the city—will continue to tap it for a source of livelihood in the absence of a viable option of employment outside, and, thereby, continue to contribute to that vicious cycle of environmental degradation.

These sections are undoubtedly culpable for the deteriorating environment in cities, but they are no greater sinners than car-owners or bus-owners, who clog the streets and choke the air (in fact, the poor pay more dearly, by way of sickness and chronic ailments, for the polluted environment than those who can pay for their healthcare). Equally to blame is the government, which makes only half-hearted attempts to reduce pollution or to better public utility services. In any case, such services should cater to the entire population, irrespective of its class divides. Is it not criminal on the part of the government to provide more tax cuts to the car industry, so that it can sell more cars, when pollution control is so abysmal? Why must government hoardings preach afforestation but never encourage the use of public transport in place of personal cars as a more viable way of improving the quality of air? However, it is far more preferable for the public to wake up to the disconcerting reality than blame the government alone for the deteriorating environment. The aggressive development in India is not only endangering lives in the metros repeatedly surveyed, but also in scores of other cities and small towns, where pollution and the degradation of civic life have reached alarming proportions. INAV

Sir,

Apropos the news item "Misgivings over MLA's Scheme" (ST, Feb 19), charges levelled against Mawprem MLA in reference to his booklet "Tryst with Mawprem" is quite surprising that an initiative of transparency and accountability has been criticized by some ranks. Although I am not aware of the motive, but it certainly smacks of parochial political interest of the people concerned.

I was a resident of this area for 15 years before leaving Shillong to pursue my career and I have a very clear and meticulous knowledge about the helm of affairs of Mawprem as a constituency. I saw the days where there was utter chaos as far as civic conditions of our locality was concerned. Although we elected a representative every five years, there was hardly any developmental activity. The funds either perished in the government's coffer or found its way to serve vested interest. There was hardly any people-oriented scheme which saw the light of the day.

Finally, an era dawned which activated the dormant urge for change, a zeal to usher in development along with prosperity. It was the clarion call from Late Ardhendu Chaudhuri to the people of the area, which made us rise and fight for a better tomorrow. He fought relentlessly be it getting relief fund from the chief minister or legitimise the Defence lands for civil use, he ran from pillar to post to get things done.

His attempt not only bore fruit but he was lauded by different quarters for his unbiased attitude. After a brief stint, destiny played its own game and an unfortunate mishap brought an end to the mighty saga.

However, the people of Mawprem were lucky enough when an alternative emerged in the name of Manas Chaudhuri, a personality who was not only a local stalwart but a luminary- whose achievements as a journalist have been acclaimed across the nation and beyond. Being the younger brother of Late Chaudhuri he could easily feel the vision he had for Mawprem and the conviction to complete the dreams and aspirations of his brother which would take the entire constituency to a new high.

To my mind a people's representative taking the pain to publish a booklet, which outlines the schemes undertaken through out the tenure along with the total outlay and expenditure which I believe is always precise to the last decimal, is something unthinkable in today's corruption-ridden politics. Any individual who finds discrepancy in the account should have approached the MLA instead of splashing the matter in the media. If a person has the courage to publish his deliberations or his transactions and freely circulates it then I firmly believe he would have made corrections in case of any inadvertent errors. I would request people to point out one such MLA who uses his salary for the poor of the constituency. Democracy is indeed about "agreeing for disagreeing" but not for opposing just for the sake of opposing it.

Yours etc.,
Sourik Purkayastha
Via e-mail

In what could revive the demand for the repeal of the controversial Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act 1958 - AFSPA - the President has assured leading women rights activist and former National Commission for Women chairperson Mohini Giri that she would see whether civilian supervision of military operations was possible.

"I, with my 50 years of experience of working for women in various trouble-torn states, can say that women are not immune to exploitation or abuse by security personnel during their operations against militants," Giri said.

"I had broached the issue with President Patil and mooted the idea of civilian monitoring of military operations in the northeastern states and Jammu and Kashmir, and she has promised to get it examined," Giri told IANS.

"The President asked me to give her a formal explanatory note of my ideas on civilian monitoring of military operations and I am in the process of sending the note to her," Giri added.

Elaborating, Giri said she wants an apex body comprising women and civil rights activists, retired High Court or Supreme Court judges and even senior government officials to keep a tab on military operations in militancy-hit areas.

Giri said she would like at least one of the members of the apex body to accompany the armed forces whenever they undertake military operations.

President Patil, in fact, indicated last Sunday she was willing to have the possibility examined.

"Dr Mohini Giri has raised some points in her speech. I will look into them," Patil said during her inaugural address to a national conclave of northeastern states "for access to justice to the women of the region".

Giri, speaking at the same conclave, said: "Could I also request you as the Chief of the Armed Forces in the country to kindly host a meeting of the three Services chiefs with women activists for a dialogue on how to form a rationalized military action in the northeast that often comes into conflict with women's rights."

The idea of civilian monitoring of military operations was first mooted by former Army Chief Gen (Retd) V.P. Malik in the wake of the hue and cry raised after the alleged rape and murder of a woman in Manipur, Manorama Devi, in 2004 by Assam Rifles personnel.

Malik mooted the idea while recommending some changes in the AFSPA to divest the non-commissioned officers of their statutory powers "to shoot to kill" under the Act and restrict the power only to commissioned officers fighting insurgency in Manipur and other northeastern states.

Asked about his views on civilian monitoring of military operations, Gen Malik told IANS: "Judicial magistrates could accompany military patrols for joint military-civil police operations in urban areas so that the police carry out arrests and streamline early handover of arrested people."

Following the outrage over the Manorma Devi episode, the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance government had formed a committee headed by former Supreme Court judge B.P. Jeevan Reddy to examine the feasibility of repealing or amending the AFSPA.

Justice Reddy had recommended total repeal of the Act but the government has put the report in cold storage. (IANS)

Five persons were arrested in this connection.

Police said that during cargo scanning at the airport last evening, a pistol was spotted inside a box with electronic products booked by a Guwahati-based courier company Tirupati Couriers.

The box was booked by one J L Mehra and was scheduled to be sent to one Satya in Karnal, Haryana.

The courier company had booked the parcel with Jetlite Airways.

The police seized the parcel and arrested five employees of the courier company in this connection on Sunday. (PTI)

The budget session of parliament will commence Monday with President Pratibha Patil’s joint address to both houses.

"We have a technical obligation," Parliamentary Affairs Minister Priya Ranjan Dasmunsi told reporters Sunday. "Since the proclamation on Nagaland should expire March 3 and elections to the assembly are due on March 5 and results on March 8, and on March 1-2 parliament will be closed, we will have to dispose it on Feb 26 in the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha simultaneously after the railway budget." "Business Advisory Committee will meet and discuss the agenda for the week. "Immediately thereafter, within half an hour both houses will meet for obituary references to the sitting members Motiur Rahman from the Rajya Sabha and Prakash Paranjape from the Lok Sabha, who died in the intervening period," he added. (IANS)

The mood of people shows that Democratic Alliance of Nagaland is the obvious choice of the voters here, BJP president Rajnath Singh told reporters here last night after addressing a series of election rallies in three districts of Longleng, Tuensang, Wokha where the party fielded maximum number of candidates for the March 5 election.

He claimed that DAN government, where BJP was a coalition partner, had been working for peace and development in the state. Singh, accompanied by BJP’s Nagaland in-charge Rajiv Pratap Rudy and state president Ato Yepthomi and party’s northeast in-charge V Satish, made a tour in the districts on Saturday.(PTI)

Guwahati: Alarmed by the death of at least 22 rhinos last year and four this year by poachers, the Assam Forest Department has decided to seek people’s help to save the pachyderm.

Owners of restaurants, resorts, dhabas, tea garden authorities and villagers have been roped in to save the endangered one-horned rhino at the Kaziranga National Park.

The Forest department held a series of meetings with restaurant and resort owners near the National Park, a World Heritage site.

They were also told that it was their fundamental duty under Article 51A of the Constitution to protect wildlife, a forest official said.

"The department feels that the owners should be aware of the identity of the customers because there is a possibility of poachers planning their activities in such places," Chief Conservator of Forest Bishen Singh Bonal said.

Bonal, who was deputed to the park for making an on-the -spot assessment, said: "The forest department alone cannot fully protect the animals... there should be a joint effort from all concerned to save the animals."

There are nearly 90 dhabas, restaurants and resorts on the 40-km stretch from Bokakhat to Burapahar along the national highway running adjacent to the park.

A series of meetings were held early this month with neighbouring tea garden authorities for ensuring their cooperation, the forest official said.

"In most occasions it is seen that the animals are targeted when they venture out of the park into tea garden areas where there is no security and hence the need to educate the garden authorities," he said.

On animals crossing the national highway and entering the neighbouring hill district of Karbi Anglong where they fell prey to poachers, Bonal said his department would highlight the need to declare the nearly 70 sq km stretch in the district a protected area.

The department had also stressed setting up police outposts in Rongbong and Dholerwaran areas which would help in countering poachers, most of whom entered the park area through the Karbi Anglong corridor, he said.

Bonal said apart from these steps, talks were also held with villagers and headmen to socially boycott any person having links with poaching and poachers.

"We have received overwhelming support with the people agreeing in one voice to socially ostracise anybody involved in poaching," he said.

The Forest department decided to adopt the pro-active measures after drawing flak from various quarters for large- scale poaching of the one-horned rhinos in the national park. (PTI)