Official sources here said the electoral officers, police chiefs and Home Secretaries of all the three NE states discussed the situation during the meeting at Guwahati and mulled steps to the taken to ensure security, especially during the elections.

Officials from other NE states and the Election Commission were also present in the meeting.

"The meeting was held to discuss and see if there could be any fall out of the recent incidents in NC Hills district of Assam in the poll-bound states," a senior Meghalaya police official who was present in the meeting said.

The meeting comes on the heels of recent strikes by militants in NC Hills district of Assam bordering Meghalaya. Four security personnel were killed and two others injured in an ambush by suspected Black Widow militants on Sunday. A firing incident along the Assam-Meghalaya border in NC Hills occured on Tuesday.

The Centre has directed the Assam government to take adequate measures to contain violence and ensure that it did not spill over in the poll-bound states, the sources said.

It also instructed heightened patrolling and frisking along the inter-state borders of Assam and the poll bound states.

Wednesday's meeting comes a day before a high level delegation from the union home ministry led by Union Home Secretary Madhukar Gupta is to visit Assam to access the security scenario.

The Centre has sanctioned 40 additional companies of paramilitary for the Meghalaya elections, while three BSF battalions would assist to ensure security during it.

Earlier, Meghalaya government had sought assistance from Assam. (PTI)

SHILLONG: UDP candidate from Sutnga-Shangpung, Richard Sing Lyngdoh, who was arrested on Tuesday for assaulting an electorate of his constituency, was released on bail on Wednesday.

Mr Lyngdoh filed his nomination papers soon after his release on bail ordered by the court of SDO (Civil) Khliehriat, Matsiewdor War.

When contacted, Jaintia Hills Deputy Commissioner Frederick Roy Kharkongor said till a person was not convicted he or she was free to contest the election.

On February 9, the UDP candidate accompanied by his brother, Self Denial Lyngdoh, allegedly threatened the voters of Sutnga village of dire consequence if they did not cast vote in his favour.

Police arrested him following an FIR lodged against the brother duo alleging assault of a person of the village.

Prominent among those who filed their nominations for the March-3 Assembly elections in the State are Urban Affairs Minister Paul Lyngdoh (KHNAM) who is seeking re-election from Jaiaw, PHE Minister Prestone Tynsong (Congress) from Lyngkyrdem and HSPDP president Hoping Stone Lyngdoh from Nongstoin.

Other legislators who filed their nominations on Wednesday are Stanley Wiss Rymbai (Congress) from Umroi, Sing Mulieh (UDP) from Jowai, Draison Kharshiing (Congress) from Nartiang, Edmund K Sangma (NCP) from Dadengiri, Beckstar Sangma (Congress) from Rongchugiri and Billy Kid A Sangma (Ind) from Tura.

Besides the two Cabinet ministers - Paul Lyngdoh and Prestone Tynsong --, the candidates who filed their papers in East Khasi Hills district are former minister James Marvin Pariat (NCP) and Meristilla Wahlang (LJP) both from Pynthorumkhrah; Jimmy Thomson L Nonglait (NCP), Fasterwell Marbaniang (CPI) and Aidalis Rani (LJP) all from Nongspung and Pretty Kharpyngrope (MDP) from Malki-Nongthymmai.

Tilok Das Gupta (Ind) and Irene P Hujon (LJP) filed their papers from Laban; Edstar Lyngdoh Nongbri (KHNAM), Dro Sing Khongjoh (Congress) and Khraw Kupar Jyrwa (NCP) all from Dienglieng; Dominic Roblin Nongkynrih (KHNAM) from Lyngkyrdem; Kodin Nongrum (MDP) from Sohra and Pyndapbor Thiaw Saibon (KHNAM) from Shella constituencies.

In Ri-Bhoi district, besides former Chief Minister JD Rymbai, the other candidates who filed their nominations are Clement Shadap (NCP) from Mawhati, Durut Majaw (BJP) from Umroi and former Syiem of Hima Mylliem Laborious Manik Syiem (NCP) from Jirang.

In West Khasi Hills district, prominent businessman Metbah Lyngdoh (UDP) and Bibilynda Wahlang (NCP) both from Mairang; R Syiem (HSPDP) and Khranglin Lyngkhoi (UDP) both from Langrin; Dr Adviser Pariong (HSPDP) from Pariong; KK Mawlong (CPI) from Mawkyrwat; and Chenang Ch Marak (NCP) from Mawthengkut, filed their nominations.

In Jaintia Hills, nominations were filed by former minister Dr Henry Lamin (UDP) from Nartiang, Lahkmen Rymbui (Congress) from War Jaintia, Richard Sing Lyngdoh (UDP) from Sutnga-Shangpung and Sniawbhalang Dhar (Congress) from Nongbah-Wahiajer.

In West Garo Hills district, two former legislators Abu Taher Mondal (Ind) and K C Boro (Ind) filed their nominations from Rajabala, Sengban R Sanngma (Ind) from Dadenggiri and Binoy Kumar Ghosh (Ind) and Sosisian Rahman (Ind) both from Phulbari. Former GSU president Andreas T Sangma (Ind), H Jimmy Momin (Ind), Brenzield Marak (Ind) and Ronald Momin (Ind) all filed their nominations from Rongram while Michael N Sangma (Ind) filed his papers from Kherapara and Nipimson Momin (Ind) and Balkelpen Sangma (Ind) both from Dalamgiri.

In East Garo Hills district, Nilbirth Sangma (Ind) and James Kumar Pam (BJP) filed their nominations from Mendipathar while in South Garo Hills district, three candidates -- Perrin Ch Momin (Ind), Wenison Marak (Ind) and Wikkimson Sangma (Ind) -- filed their papers from Chokpot and Hembil Stone K Sangma (Ind) submitted his nomination from Baghmara.

TURA: NCP's Chief Ministerial candidate and former Lok Sabha Speaker, Purno A Sangma, will file his nomination papers for the Tura seat on Thursday.

Mr Sangma will lead the NCP supporters and his well-wishers in a procession from the party office at Hawakhana to the Deputy Commissioner's office shortly before 11 am. He will be accompanied by his two sons, James and Conrad, who will also file their nomination for Rongchugiri and Selsella respectively. Sitting NCP MLA from Dalamgre Admiral K Sangma, will also file his papers along with the NCP stalwart.

Police said the three accused had confessed that Jamir took the major share of the money. The group lured the businessman to lend them Rs 43 lakh with a promise that they would give him Rs 1 crore in return. But, Mr Dkhar was devastated when he opened the bag delivered to him by the frauds in Shillong on January 4. The bag supposed to contain Rs 1 crore was full of bundles of gray papers only.

Addressing a press conference here on Wednesday, MCC President Manas Chaudhuri said to work towards "value-based politics in Meghalaya," the MCC has prepared a list of 12 promises on which the candidates have to sign. "The idea is to ensure that the candidates show some kind of commitment to abide by the principles of value-based politics," he said.

The pledge and the set of questions to be asked by the voters to every candidate will be circulated in as many as seven constituencies in and around Shillong. "We are starting off with Shillong for the moment," Mr Chaudhuri said adding that if the candidates refuse to sign the pledge, then it would imply that the person is not in favour of transparency, good governance and accountability.

According to Mr Chaudhuri, Meghalaya can be treated as a fertile ground for ensuring that the political system is transparent and caters to the needs of the people.

"The State can be torchbearer in the decadent political culture in the country," he hoped.

"It is our endeavour to ensure that it is a people-first and service-above-self approach from the public representatives," he said adding, "We also hope that these small efforts on the part of the MCC would set an example for other parts of the State to realise the importance of value-based politics."

Vice-president of MCC Dr Glen Kharkongor said the organisation has "a long-term objective." "Election is just the beginning and we will try our best to engage people and the media to keep a vigil on how the politicians perform after they are elected."

"After the candidates sign the pledge we will publish their names," Dr Kharkongor said, adding, "We will send out the pledges to all the candidates in seven constituencies in Shillong." He said a "core committee" would be formed to reach out to candidates and voters in and around Shillong.

General secretary of MCC Bidhayak Das said the MCC is in the process of finalising the core committee which will circulate the pledges and the questionnaire to the candidates and the voters. He said the intention was "to encourage people to question their representative and also point out flaws if any."

The MCC members were of the opinion that it is time to awaken the people to demand their rights to know and not to keep silent if they find shortcomings in their representatives. 

Reacting to a news item appearing in a section of the Press on Wednesday, the lone independent contesting the elections from the constituency Malcolm B Tariang said although he was being projected as among the strong contenders for the number one spot, it was not because of his religious beliefs or denominational background but rather as an individual who could effectively deliver the goods.

The English daily had projected Tariang as a frontrunner in the erstwhile seat of outgoing deputy Chief Minister R G Lyngdoh, whose candidature he had given up when his sister and then Youth Congress official, Ampareen Lyngdoh had announced her intentions of contesting the elections.

Discounting the theory of his belonging to a particular faith in a constituency which has been hitherto represented by members of another Christian denomination, Tariang asserted that the people of Laitumkhrah were too "forward-thinking, progressive and cosmopolitan to allow such personal factors to cloud their judgement when choosing a suitable candidate to represent them. "What matters more is a candidate's moral fibre, integrity, maturity, consistency and tenacity to see things and represent them in their proper perspective," he averred.

Crediting Meghalaya's and his constituency voters with rationality far outweighing other considerations, Tariang said poverty, disease, disaster or misfortune were incapable of discriminating people on the basis of their religion, language or colour. "Since problems and grievances afflict population regardless of community, linguistic group, faith or religious denomination, it matters little to which of these any candidate belongs as long as he or she has a proven commitment to those whom he represents," Tairang pointed out.

Commenting on others in the race for Laitumkhrah as "fellow contenders," Tariang said regardless of who won, he wanted the victor to take everyone else into confidence cutting across party lines or ideological differences, since "we all have a modicum of support," and carry weightage among different sections of our constituency so that there was an equitable investment and proportionate dividends paid out to those who invested in the march towards development.

Asked to comment on this, Tariang said the unilateral action by district authorities without referring the matter to him in writing had hurt the sentiments of his supporters, who, he said, had put up the hoarding prior to the issue of the election notification. "I have nothing to say against the authorities, but from the overwhelming support I have been receiving in all localities it is possible that my increasing popularity is a cause for concern in certain quarters!"

1. What are the educational qualifications of the candidate?

2. Is he/she familiar with the constituency, local issues and problems?

3. Has the candidate disseminated in writing his/her pledges to the constituency?

4. Has he/she changed parties in the past?

5. If the candidate has been previously elected from this constituency, what positive and constructive changes have been brought about to improve the area?

6. If the candidate has been previously elected from this constituency, has he/she declared and provided full details of the MLA scheme funds including names of beneficiaries, benefits of the schemes and accounting of funds?

7. Does the candidate have good record of personal and family values?

8. If the candidate has been previously elected from this constituency, has he/she met regularly with the people of the area to discuss issues and problems?

9. Has the candidate been involved in any social service project in the community so as to improve the environment, health, education or socio-economic status of the area?

10. Have any criminal charges been filed, or has any criminal conviction been brought against the candidate? Has he/she been the subject of corruption charges?

11. If the candidate has been previously elected from this constituency, has he/she raised any issue/question in the Legislative Assembly pertaining to the welfare of the constituency?

12. Has the candidate involved civil society in the framing of his/her manifesto and plans for the constituency?

It may be noted that the DIPR has been distributing press materials to different newspaper and visual media houses. However, as news worthy materials reach the newspaper offices very late, which resulted in missing of a lot of important news, press representatives have decided to collect the materials themselves to ensure that the news get published the next day.

The government has once again decided to increase the prices of petrol and diesel by Rs. 2 and Re. 1. Over the last two years this would be for the fifth time that the government is resorting to price increase in view of rising oil prices in the international market. Why pass on the burden of increased prices to the consumers when there exist mechanism to tackle the situation by way of subsidizing oil prices.

It is high time the government re-evaluated its obsession with removing subsidies on oil prices and opted for a long-term energy policy based on the nation's needs. Exposing Indian industry and consumers to the vicissitudes of global prices by either dismantling the Administrative Price Mechanism or attacking the Oil Pool Account (OPA) are proving too burdensome for the national economy because we have to simultaneously dismantle import tariff boundaries in keeping with our WTO commitments.

The OPA is meant to be self-financing over a period, unless the government takes away the surplus. The APM (administered price mechanism) is based on the retention concept under which refineries; marketing companies and pipelines are compensated for the operating costs and are allowed a return of 12 per cent post-tax net worth. The efficiency of the APM depends entirely on the ability of the system to keep the OPA in balance. Until the late 1980's, the account was in surplus and it had become an extra source of income for the government. However, the 1990's saw a growing deficit. By 1997, the OPA recorded a deficit of $5 billion. Unfortunately, in India, the government has in the past taken away massive amounts of money from the OPA and utilised the surplus to meet the increasing revenue gap. If the domestic price of refined petroleum is allowed to go up and down, most industries, and particularly the transport sector, would be unable to cope with the resultant uncertainties. Farmers and ordinary Indians will suffer as well.

The "reformers" have pointed out the inefficiency of the subsidy system. The effects are mainly on those products that are very important industrial raw materials for steel, cement, and chemical industries, the backbone of any modern economy.

If we add the recent decisions by the "reformers" to reduce import taxes on products already produced in India, the total effects of the combined attacks of high price of petroleum, lower import taxes and a strong rupee will devastate Indian industries. India's Rs. 1, 30,000-crore chemical industry, the backbone of the country's basic industry, is undergoing a silent transition. The overall impact would be serious. Also, there has been a sharp drop in import tariffs, posing significant challenges to the chemical industry. The argument that lower import tariffs would encourage more foreign investment is unfounded. Even when the entry barriers have been pulled down, there has been no significant improvement in FDI levels. In China, energy demands are rising constantly to keep up with economic growth. The country is already expected to pay an extra $9.2 billion to import the 980 million barrels of oil it needs this year. Government price adjustments have protected emerging Chinese consumers from the jump in international energy prices. There is a debate over whether China's massive crude import for this year, up about 40 per cent from 2005, represents real demand. Some analysts reckon the Chinese government has ordered state oil companies to hold inventories. China may have stocked as much as 300 million barrels of oil since early last year. Chinese officials said work is going on to build the initial phase of a strategic oil stockpile, which could start to be filled within the next year.

However, China is not a major factor in the recent rise of oil prices, but the United States is. America's dependency on imported oil is growing. Even before the 9/11 attack, it was trying to expand its Strategic Petroleum Reserve (SPR). This has a dual purpose: To maintain the domestic price of oil at a desired level by releasing petroleum from time to time to the domestic market and to maintain a massive reserve in case of any major political changes either in West Asia or in Venezuela. Since 1974, oil prices within the domestic economy have been controlled by the government by using both taxes and subsidies. Indian reformers should take the clue from the US that even the champion of the free market system uses subsidies whenever it is required for the economy. The increasing demand for crude oil in the international market is mainly due to the enhanced demand of the US to fatten the stockpile in the SPR.

There is another factor, which is equally important. Given the needs of its war effort, the US' budget deficits are increasing, as it was the case during the Vietnam War. As a result, the value of the Dollar in the international market is falling, as it is becoming less and less attractive compared to the Euro. However, the Dollar has a major instrument to prop up its value. The international trade in crude petroleum is conducted only through the Dollar. If any oil producer tries to change the system by accepting the Euro, it cannot survive. Iraq was invaded, as Saddam Hussein had tried to change its foreign exchange reserve from the Dollar to the Euro and was ready to accept the latter for its oil sales. The OPEC cartel was also considering a similar shift in early 2001, but the Iraq invasion had stopped that effort.

How long this process will continue will depend on the willingness of the US allies in Europe and Japan to tolerate the increased price of oil, which hurts their economies as well. When the pressure from the allies would be strong, the price of crude oil will come down, as it is not a result of normal supply deficiency, but it is manufactured artificially to serve the imperial ambition of the US to dominate the world.

What should India do? It is unfortunate that rather than having comprehensive energy planning, India, since 1991, has abandoned planning altogether and decided to go along with a mysterious "economic reform" policy. The result is the present crisis. The solution for India is to go back to the comprehensive planning of the energy sector and the economy, as one cannot happen without the other.

The transport policy, based on road system and private transport, is unfeasible for India given its limited petroleum reserves. India should develop public transport system based on electricity and develop more and more railway transport instead of road transport. Given the massive coal reserves for thermal power plants and India's expertise with nuclear power, it is the best option. There should be subsidies for solar energy, which can meet the demands from the residential sector in a big way. Private ownership of cars should be discouraged by tax increases on car ownership. In public transport, electricity instead of petroleum can be used in a big way by converting diesel-fuelled buses into trolley buses which can run on electricity with the same speed. Trams, restricted only to Kolkata, should be introduced in every city and in the link road between the cities and nearby towns. More railway lines should opened between the major cities. In these ways, the demand for oil from the transport and the residential sector can be controlled. However, industrial demands for petroleum cannot be reduced without major changes in technology. For that case, import controls and increased tariffs on imports to protect Indian domestic industries and to reduce India's total import cost are the answer.

The recent crisis is the result of the false doctrine of "economic reforms" and the unwise decision of the Ministry of Finance to withdraw money from the OPA without compensating it when needed. Without subsidies, the costs will escalate and in the near future the government will be forced, to give either direct subsidies to the industries and farmers, or to provide special loans and tax-breaks to help them to recover. The eventual cost will be much more than the subsidies for the OPA.

Another fear is the growing inflation due to the rise in domestic prices of oil products, which would affect the poor much more than the industrialists or rich farmers. If the government wants to reduce inflation by increasing the interest rate, the cost of borrowing will go up; there will be more industrial failures and unemployment. These are the perils of a privatised economy, which a planned economy can avoid easily through cross subsidies and direct infusion of investments.

The costs of subsidies to the OPA are very insignificant compared to the uncollected tax (about Rs. 95,000 crore) or the unpaid loans (about Rs. 150,000 crore) from the nationalised banks. If the government would make tax avoidance a criminal offence and use bankruptcy procedures as the mandatory instrument to collect both unpaid loans and taxes, the revenue situation of the government will improve significantly. As a result, the country can tide over this crisis of the oil-price-rise easily without throwing the burden on the poor. INAV

Military doctrine is serious business. A doctrine, after all, provides the science and art of war by reflecting on the nature of future wars, past lessons, and intellectual and technological developments that will determine their outcome. All three services have produced own war doctrines without a political directive detailing the nature of external threats: How they are to be tackled, and what is sought to be achieved militarily, and importantly, without catering to a nuclear war, should the nuclear threshold be crossed unwittingly. However, the biggest flaw with these doctrines is they do no cater to the present nature of conventional warfare which will necessarily be limited in time and space, and hence military objectives.

There are two fundamental differences between now and the last full-scale conventional war that India fought with Pakistan in 1971. The India Army then did not require preparing for the entire spectrum of war, which includes a low-intensity-war, a conventional war, and a threat of nuclear exchange. And importantly, there were no nuclear weapons with India and Pakistan. This implied that international pressure on both sides to end war was not intense, and both sides could continue fighting until the sought military objectives were either met, or one side ran out of resources.

For these reasons, the three services fought their own battles more than a collective war against Pakistan. The underlying assumption was that after six to eight weeks of intense war, Pakistan, with limited defence manufacturing capabilities, would need to replace destroyed equipment and would start losing the war to India. This is no longer true for three reasons. First, the international community would do its best to end an Indo-Pak war quickly. Second, Pakistan has the option to use nuclear weapons if its strategic targets are hit by the IAF, or if the Indian Army manages to cross the nuclear threshold in a particular sector. And three, Pakistan has a reasonably good indigenous manufacturing capability to cater to conventional war losses.

Therefore, the only answer for India is to have complete synergy within its Armed forces to accomplish military objectives at the earliest. Irrespective of attempts by services the world over to retain their turfs; it is common knowledge that a unity of command will produce far better results than coordination within services. In the US, a unity of command implies two things: A Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff, who is a strategic level player, and Commander-in-Chiefs of integrated commands who are operational level players and report directly to the Commander-in-Chief who is the President of the US.

India, however, differs from the US in three respects. One, its Army is meant primarily for territorial integrity. Two, the forces have limited assets and hence flexibility in weapons and equipment will be lost with integrated theatre commands. And three, nuclear weapons are not part of conventional war fighting. Under such circumstances, the Indian Armed forces need a common operational plan, with the service chiefs being top operational players for their respective services. This is only possible with a Chief of Defence Staff, who will be both a strategic level player, and help the services formulate a common operational plan to cater to the limitation on time and space in a conventional war. Individual services war doctrines are no substitute for a common doctrine.

A war doctrine for the Army has to be evolved keeping in view the strategic and security scenario and the planners cannot wait for the proposed institution of Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) to take shape for making the doctrine work. The CDS can help facilitate better coordination between the three services. But, you cannot wait for the CDS to be in place and then have a doctrine.

In 1971 Indo-Pak there was perfect synergy and understanding between all the three services right down to the lowest level and we achieved stupendous results. Incidentally, there was no CDS then. One of reasons for this excellent coordination was clear political objectives and well-defined military aims. The political objective was to capture Dhaka within 14 days from the start of the war and detailed planning saw the Indian Armed forces achieving the desired result within 11 days despite several hurdles on the ground. In fact, given the operational security scenario in which India may have to fight a war with its defence capabilities, there is no need for the CDS.

The details of the doctrine are not known publicly, but the three services were consulted before drafting it. Contrary to the general perception that the Army, Air Force and Navy do not act in tandem while drawing up such an important document, all the three services do come together and contribute their bit. Of course, the details of the doctrine cannot be made public for obvious reasons.

The doctrine should have a clear political directive and the Army must have surely got it before embarking on an exercise of great importance. Second, the doctrine should define its response to threats from Pakistan and China. Moreover, it must factor in the possibility of China joining hands with Pakistan in case of a conflict with India.

Pakistan was granted Major Non-NATO Ally (MNNA) status in 2004 which may pose a crucial question before the Indian security establishment. Earlier, it was felt that any war between India and Pakistan will see international pressure within five to six days. With Pakistan getting the MNNA status, India will face pressure from day one in case of hostilities and the doctrine must reflect this reality. Given the strategic environment in the Indian subcontinent and parity in conventional terms between India and Pakistan, it will not be easy for us to go on the offensive. Therefore, the doctrine should spell out its aggressive and defensive responses. Also, holding territory in POK will not be easy in the present scenario since Pakistan will exploit the conditions in Kashmir. Pakistan also has the capability of coming into Indian Territory and the doctrine has to take into account such factors.

There can be no short war and the ongoing US operations in Iraq are an example of uncertainties of a war despite planning. Our strategists will have to spell out the political and military results desired to be achieved at the end of war. Moreover, there is no point in going to war if you cannot force total submission by the enemy as your victory will be temporary if he remains unbeaten.

Besides pondering these issues, there is a need of separate doctrines for Pakistan and China. The success of a doctrine will also depend on how well the doctrines of other two services are integrated with the Army's thinking. A deep appreciation of the final doctrine by the Army brass and its implementation right down to the junior most levels of command will be paramount. The Army will have to be organised and trained as per the new doctrine and its tenets tested in war-like and such simulated conditions. The advent of information technology and computers can help the commanders to a large extent. The new doctrine will also see the induction of new generation of weapons and familiarisation of the war machine with the doctrine. The Army brass is rightly giving a thought to it. However, it will have to spell out the role for the Special Forces in terms of operating in enemy territory, counter-insurgency environment and conventional war. INAV

Sir,

Apropos to the letter "Who is a real Khasi?" (ST, Feb 9), I would like to make an attempt to answer the queries put forward by the author I Watre.

In response to question no. 1 (A person whose father is a non-tribal, mother is a Khasi and takes the mother's title) a true Khasi Pnar is the one who assumes the title of the mother irrespective of whether she marries a tribal, non-tribal or even a foreigner. In other words he/she follows the matrilineal system bestowed upon us from time immemorial, which we at any cost should not dare to change, else the wrath of God will befall on us.

In the case of both the parents being Khasi/Pnar but their off springs take the title of the father which means that they follow the patriarchal system, I reckon and feel that this will bring inter-caste marriage (shong kha shi kur, which means shong sang). These type of people are very much Khasi Pnar but they are also the root cause of all kinds of chaos to our future generation pertaining to our divine doctrine of "Ka khein kur khein kha". So I would advise that we should shun this practice once and for all. It is next to impossible for us ki khun u Hynniew Trep to change to the patriarchal system.

In continuation with the above, once a Khasi assumes the title of his Khasi father, the blood that runs in his veins is still of his Khasi/Pnar parents but he looses the true identity of a Khasi. Because a Khasi is incomplete if he forgoes his matrilineal identity (taking the title of the mother). We should consider ourselves fortunate that we still have within us the strength to walk with our heads high and proudly say that ours is a society that is unique. Hence why should we seek to change and create unnecessary and unwanted havoc?

Regarding question number 2, I being a follower of the indigenous faith, Niamtre, fully agree that 'a person whose father is a Khasi, mother a non-tribal but who has been given a new Khasi surname, and takes this new title,' through the "Tang Jait Ceremony" is very much a Khasi/Pnar.

Yours etc.,
Jenniefer Dkhar
Shillong-4.
Via e-mail

Sir,

Apropos the news item "Khonglam in MLA funds scam", (ST, Feb 13), I would like to state that my name was mentioned where I have been falsely alleged by the PMSC leader to have withdrawn Rs.6.68 lakh under a scheme meant for construction of houses for 334 poor families on November 19, 2002.

In this connection, I would like to clarify that I was instructed by my higher authority to withdraw the said amount from the bank concerned and to hand over the same to one P Mawkhiew .

Yours etc.,
L Nongpuir
Ex-Cashier
Laitkroh Block.

Guwahati: The Assam government has mulled DNA testing on doubtful people to ascertain their Indian nationality while updating the National Register of Citizens (NRC).

The decision was taken by the Cabinet sub-committee, Revenue Minister Bhumidhar Burman said here on Wednesday.

The tests would be conducted if the need arose for ascertaining the citizenship status of doubtful nationals if their names were neither in the NRC 1951 nor in the voters' list of 1971, he said.

The Centre would be required to amend the Citizenship Act, 1955, if the new modalities were accepted, Mr Barman said.

The modalities for updating the NRC were drawn up after taking the views of all political parties and the influential All Assam Students Union.

Besides DNA testing, the other modality finalised by the committee was publication of a draft NRC by the state government on the basis of the NRC of 1951 or the voters' list of 1971 without door-to-door enumeration, official sources said.

The final NRC would only be published after field verification, they said, adding complaints if any would be entertained after it was made public.

The Foreigners Tribunals would be the appellate authority for the complaints, Barman said.

People from Bangladesh who entered Assam between 1961 and 1971 and failed to register their names in the electoral rolls would not be included in the updated NRC, the sources said.

The sub-committee was formed by Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi following the the Registrar General of India seeking modalities for updating the NRC in the state.

It may be mentioned that the BJP on Tuesday alleged that ‘subversive elements’ backed by ISI were disturbing thedemography of the Northeast. (PTI)

Ministry of Civil Aviation on Wednesday announced that four airlines - Star Aviation for southern region, Jagson Airlines for northern region, MDLR Airlines for northern region and Zav Airways for north-east/eastern region -- had been given NOC in this category.

Announcing this at a meeting of Consultative Committee of MPs attached to Ministry of Civil Aviation in New Delhi on Wednesday, Union Civil Aviation Minister Praful Patel said the new category of airline services termed as "Scheduled Air Transport (Regional) Services" has been introduced to promote regional connectivity especially among the Tier-II and Tier-III cities.

He informed the Committee that during 2007, domestic airline passenger traffic had grown from 326.28 lakh to 432.89 lakh - a growth of 32.51 per cent vis-à-vis 2006.

The Minister also informed that the merger process of Air India and Indian Airlines is under way and several working groups and an Integration Team have been formulated to move the merger process forward.

Air India has been invited to become the Member of Star Alliance - one of the biggest alliance of airlines in the world, he said. Air India will become the full-fledged member of the Alliance formally by 2009. Specialized teams at Air India, Star Alliance and its member carriers are now working on the integration process.

Mr Patel spoke about the in-principle approval given by the Government to the setting up of green field airports in Kannur (Kerala), Navi Mumbai and about the international airport at Jewar, Greater Noida that was under the consideration of a Group of Ministers as per the direction of the Union Cabinet.

The minister also spoke about the change in FDI caps in a number of sectors in civil aviation. He said this change would boost civil aviation in the country. He raised a number of issues - safety and security, pilot training, on-time performances and losses of Air India, status of merger of Air India and Indian Airlines, new airports, air connectivity across the country, rules for permitting airline to fly abroad etc., -- in the meeting.

NEW DELHI: Has the tiger totally vanished from the North East including Meghalaya, which once had the highest number of big cats next only to Arunachal Pradesh and Assam?

If the official figures are to be believed, the big cat, once roaming in different parts of the region, has become extinct in Meghalaya and few other NE states. Now only Assam, Aruanchal Pradesh and Mizoram are left with 90 tigers in some of their tiger reserves, and that too with doubtful assessment.

Even in 2001-02, Meghalaya had as many as 47 tigers Minister of State for Environment and Forest, had said in Parliament. The same Minister released a report on status of tigers, which gave nil figures for the hill state within a gap of less than six months.

Manipur has no tiger population even in 2001-02 and Nagaland had 23. Tripura and Sikkim have not reported any tiger population, the official data showed. Assam even had white tigers in the wild.

But even going by this trend Meghalaya was the worst loser in the region since the state with 47 tigers five years ago has nil population now. The same is the case with Nagland, which had 23 population then.

Making a presentation about tiger census, Dr Rajesh Gopal, Member Secretary, Tiger Project explained that the assessment shows that though the tiger has suffered due to direct poaching, loss of quality habitat, and loss of its prey, but there is still hope. The Government has declared more eight new tiger reserves to strengthen the population of tigers.

There are no more big cats outside the tiger reserves, Mr Gopal said. Meghalaya does not have any tiger reserve but there were tigers in the State.